Adygeya fresh newspaper. "Fight" against corruption

Report at the conference of journalists in Dagomys, October 2015


Dear colleagues! I represent the newspaper Zakubanye, the print organ of the social movement Union of Slavs of Adygea. Our organization was created 25 years ago at the time of rampant sovereignization in the country and set itself the task of protecting the rights of the Russian population in the so-called national republic. The expression “so-called” fully corresponds to the real state of affairs: in Adygea, the titular population is 25%, 64% are Russians, and the remaining 11% are all the rest.

However, from the very beginning, the organization advocated for the rights of all citizens of Adygea, so on the pages of our newspaper you can find articles that raise issues relating to all citizens, and articles in defense of individual residents of the republic, regardless of their nationality. In fact, the Union of Slavs is the only active human rights organization in Adygea.

There was a time when the media were considered one of the tools to control the actions of officials. There was a time when publications about their "exploits" led to the arrival of high commissions, real checks and no less real organizational conclusions. The memory of those events makes the older generation turn to journalists for help. In contrast, young people are very skeptical about the possibilities of the media. In fact, what can journalists influence? Let's look at this on the example of Adygea.

Even 5 years ago in the republic, in addition to budgetary and advertising publications, one could count about 10 independent publications belonging to public organizations and parties. Today, this field has been cleared almost completely, the website “Free Word of Adygea” has been closed, and “Fresh Newspaper” has ceased to be published. The last newspaper of the public organization ROD SSA "Zakubanye" presents a dinosaur in this field, which has significantly outlived its relatives.

What influenced the population of independent media in Adygea so much? The problem is that it becomes simply unsafe for journalists to present an opinion independent of the official authorities. The editor of the Free Word of Adygea, a member of the writers' union Vasily Purdenko, was recognized as an extremist for posting an article on the personnel policy of the leadership of Adygea on the website. At first, the court, secretly from the editor, recognized the material as extremist, and then V.A. was also sentenced to extremism. Purdenko. After a year of ordeals in the courts, in which the journalist was forced to defend his honest name, and the stress experienced, the disabled person of the 2nd group did not live long.

Natalya Namitokova, the editor of Svezhaya Gazeta, a brilliant publicist, was sentenced to a fine for publishing absolutely truthful information about the atrocities of the "new Russians". The video recording from the registrar, which recorded the atrocities of the villains, was recognized by the court as inadmissible evidence due to the fact that the police violated the procedure for seizing the video recording. The fact was, but the journalist who described it turned out to be a liar in the eyes of justice.

Now lawsuits and a criminal case have been initiated against the author of many publications in Zakubanye, the well-known ecologist Valery Brinikh, the former director of two federal reserves (Daursky and Caucasian).

Perhaps you will say that the problems of our journalists and newspaper editors are connected with the fact that they simply fell victim to their legal incompetence and were unable to defend themselves in the courts. Yes, they did not have the means to hire a lawyer like Genrikh Padva. But no Padva is able to influence the decision of the Adyghe court, if it is made "above". And this is the main problem that we have been talking about for many years - the engagement of law enforcement agencies and courts by the family that is in power in the republic. You can publish information on the pages of your newspaper about the son of the head of the republic, who, being the prosecutor of a district, quite often travels abroad under a different name, but his chief prosecutor of the republic will not hesitate to explain this. You can publish eyewitness statements about how the materials of the accident were falsified, the “hero” of which was a friend of the head of the republic, but you will not hear a clear reaction from the security forces. You can write about the company "STALKER", organized by high-ranking officials to withdraw budget money through the tax office. But even in this case, the answer will be the silence of law enforcement officers.

Seizure of business (article by Sulieta Kusova), direct control of the courts by the leadership of the republic (the case of judge Osipova) and even the direct accusation of the prosecutor M. Tkhakushinov of unlawful actions, made by the chairman of the district court, remains unanswered.

All these are pebbles that fell into the quagmire of the law enforcement system of Adygea. In such cases, our officials prefer to remain thoughtfully silent, not even risking slander against the authors of the publication. And they deal with journalists when they are too "baked", using other reasons, choosing a suitable article from the well-known "gentleman's set": demonstration of Nazi symbols, Article 20.3 of the Code of Administrative Offenses of the Russian Federation, extremism, Art. 282 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation, inciting hatred towards a certain social group is power.

Well, if this set is not enough, then you can simply insult opponents in the anonymous newspaper "NABAT". It is known by whom it is distributed, but the security forces have not been able to establish its publisher.

In this situation, the independent media and journalists of Adygea have little choice: either curtail all activity, or contact the Kremlin, hoping for a miracle - the arrival of a competent commission that will understand not the peculiarities of Adyghe hospitality, but in particular the administration of the republic, in which local divisions of federal departments were members of the same “friendly family”.

Unfortunately, a miracle does not happen, the answers to our appeals come from those whom we complain about. The answers are standard, like a prayer before a meal: “There is no reason to react!”

Perhaps there is another way to interest the Moscow curators. Draw their attention to what is happening in Adygea through the central media. If they, showing solidarity with their "younger brothers in the profession", would take upon themselves the investigation of some cases in Adygea. For example, the case of Valery Brinikh, who, defending the interests of citizens, came into conflict not only with the leadership of the republic, but also with the well-known pig breeder-senator V. Derev. In this case, the unanimity of the power, supervisory departments and the leadership of the republic was very clearly manifested.

But they say it takes a lot of money to organize a publication in a central publication. In this matter, we cannot compete with the leadership of Adygeya, who prudently included in the budget an item of expenditure for creating a favorable image of the republic. Therefore, we can only rely on the solidarity of the brothers of journalists. True, they must understand that it is not safe to give information about what is happening in Adygea.

Here is a journalist, Svetlana Bolotnikova, who gave information on the inter-ethnic conflict in the village of Beloye on the Greater Caucasus website. The local court (Krasnogvardeisky district), again in secret from her and the editor of the site, recognized the journalist's article as extremist. And she found out about it a year later, after reading the federal list of extremist literature on the website of the Ministry of Justice of the Russian Federation. The same fate awaits now the site “NEWSPAPER. RU". Although the newspaper, in our opinion, was therefore arrested on the day of the arrival in the republic of members of the Human Rights Council under the President of the Russian Federation, headed by M.A. Fedotov that it contained materials about the illegal actions of police officers, judges and administrations.

And yet, despite these difficulties, the solidarity of fellow journalists seems to us the most likely way out of the impasse in which the dialogue between the authorities and the public has entered in Adygea.

Against the backdrop of recent events in the Komi Republic, it would be very timely for the Russian journalistic community to pay attention to Adygea, not being satisfied with the image of the most calm republic, which is so intensively forming the Tkhakushinov clan.

Maybe by joint efforts we will get answers to the questions: why, for example, in the Takhtamukaysky district, where the supervision of legality is carried out by the younger Tkhakushinov, the bank of the Kuban River is illegally built up. Why is Prime Minister Kumpilov nicknamed 50/50 among entrepreneurs?

Why the majority of investment projects in the republic are carried out in violation of the law and contrary to the interests of the local population. Why books, the author of which is the head of the republic, are obliged to buy out the heads of municipalities at the expense of budgetary funds, allegedly for libraries. And why, finally, the former rector of the Moscow State Technical University Blagoz Khazret, who was in custody in a pre-trial detention center, who came into conflict with the head of the republic, was not allowed to visit relatives for 11 months. And much more.

Thank you for attention.

A.G. Petin, p on the instructions of the editorial office of the newspaper "Zakubanye"

The recent decision of the parliament of Adygea to cancel direct elections of the head of the republic may disrupt plans for the transfer of power from the current head of the region Aslan Tkhakushinov to his relative, head of the government of Adygea Murat Kumpilov.

According to a number of parameters, Adygea looks much better than other republics of the North Caucasus, but this does not mean that the federal center has not accumulated uncomfortable questions for its current rulers, primarily due to the high level of clans in the region. Already at the end of this year, Adygea may be offered a new head, whose previous career was not connected with the republic.


The most successful "matryoshka"

Adygea is one of the Russian regions that rarely get on the federal news agenda. This enclave republic with a population of only 451,500 people lives in the shadow of its "big brother" - the Krasnodar Territory, which, in the status of an autonomous region, it was part of in the Soviet period. But in the wake of the parade of regional sovereignties, Adygeya in 1990 managed to raise its status to an independent subject of the Russian Federation and successfully defend it in the past decade, during the period of enlargement of the regions.

Unlike other "matryoshka" regions, Adygea was lucky with its geographical location. From Krasnodar, the richest city in southern Russia, Adygea is separated only by the Kuban River, which, in principle, solves the problem of extra labor, which is chronic for other republics of the North Caucasus: many residents of Adygea simply go to work in the Krasnodar Territory. The officially registered unemployment rate in the republic at the end of last year was only 1.2%. In addition, Adygea is fundamentally different from other republics of the North Caucasus in terms of the ethnic composition of the population. According to the latest All-Russian census, in 2010, only 25.8% (109.7 thousand people) lived here of the Adyghes proper (they belong to the Caucasian family of languages, their closest relatives are the Circassians, Kabardians, Abazins and Abkhazians), and the Slavic population accounted for 65.3% (277.8 thousand people).

Meanwhile, the key positions in the elite of the republic - its head and chairman of the cabinet of ministers - currently belong to the Adyghe people. The indigenous nation also has a majority in the current convocation of parliament - 29 deputies out of 54, while Russians and Ukrainians account for only 22 seats, including the speaker of the State Council Vladimir Narozhny. "Russian" posts at the moment are also the positions of the head of the administration of the head and government of Adygea, which is occupied by Vladislav Fedorov, and the head of the regional capital, the city of Maykop (since 2013 - Alexander Narolin).

The authorities of Adygea have repeatedly emphasized that the situation in the sphere of interethnic relations in the republic remains relatively stable, primarily due to the resources of the adult polyethnic population. “The adult old-timer population of Adygea is the bearer of Russian identity and the guarantor of the preservation of interethnic peace in the republic,” the official analysis of interethnic relations following the results of 2014 said. Certain problems arose among the population of the republic with the Kurds, who began to massively move to Adygea after the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, but in comparison with other regions of the North Caucasus, the level of interethnic tension here is much lower, as well as the degree of extremist threat. There have never been major terrorist attacks on the territory of Adygea. And due to the position of an enclave within the Krasnodar Territory, in 2010, when the Southern Federal District was divided into two parts, Adygea turned out to be the only Caucasian republic that remained part of the Southern Federal District.

The business climate in Adygea is in a noticeably better condition than in other republics of the North Caucasus. In the rating of investment attractiveness of Russian regions by the RAEX agency (Expert RA), Adygea is consistently among the subjects of the federation with a moderate risk, while the rest of the Caucasian republics have either a high or an extreme risk rank. True, the investment potential of Adygea in the same study is defined as insignificant, although a number of landmark projects on the territory of the republic still managed to be "landed". First of all, this is a large shopping complex "Mega" of the transnational company IKEA, which was built not in Krasnodar, but in Adygea, on the opposite bank of the Kuban.

According to the leadership of the republic, since 2007, that is, since the first appointment of the current head of Adygea Aslana Tkhakushinova, the total investment in the regional economy amounted to approximately 140 billion rubles. At the same time, it was possible to significantly reduce the budget subsidies. If under the previous head of Adygea Hazret Sovmene, it increased to 60%, for which he was criticized by the then presidential envoy in the Southern Federal District Dmitry Kozak, then at a press conference following the results of 2015 Aslan Tkhakushinov reported that the subsidization decreased to 38%, and the volume of own income from 2010 to 2015 increased from 5.373 to 9.895 billion rubles. In the latest version of the study of the quality of life in the Russian regions of the RIA Rating agency, Adygea took 33rd place - this is significantly lower than Krasnodar Territory, which is on the fifth line, but also significantly higher than the nearest of the other republics of the North Caucasus - North Ossetia (59th place).

Economics professor

Aslan Tkhakushinov headed Adygea at a time when a local power vacuum formed in the republic. His predecessor Khazret Sovmen, a major businessman who won the direct presidential elections in Adygeya in 2002 with almost 70% of the votes in favour, was never able to create an effective system of government in the republic. The main sign of the period of Sovmen's leadership was the ministerial leapfrog, which provoked the leadership of the Krasnodar Territory to say that it was high time to join Adygea to the "big brother".

In the middle of the last decade, the process of liquidation of the "matryoshka" regions (like the Ust-Ordynsky or Aginsky Buryat Autonomous Okrugs) was really in full swing, and Adygea could well have suffered the same fate. Adyghe public organizations and personally the president actively opposed this. Sovmen However, only a principled position on the issue of merging with the Krasnodar Territory was not enough for him to retain power. By the end of his powers, he had difficult relations with the parliament of the republic and with the plenipotentiary Dmitry Kozak, and in the end, even before the end of the term Khazret Sovmen was in a lame duck position. Speaking in Parliament in April 2006, he announced that he was resigning early, and although this intention remained in words, the remaining months Sovmen held his office in nominal terms.

The main contenders for the post of the new head of Adygea at that time were the chairman of the parliament (State Council - Khase) of the republic and the head of the local branch of "United Russia" Maikop State Technological University, doctor of sociological sciences Ruslan Khadzhibekov and Rector of Maikop State Technological University, Doctor of Sociological Sciences Aslan Tkhakushinov. The latter has already tried to head Adygeya, putting his candidacy in the 2002 elections, but was able to get only 2.6% of the vote.

However, four years later, direct elections of the heads of Russian regions had already been canceled, and popularity and recognition were by no means the main trump card for those wishing to head this or that region. As a result, the Kremlin staked precisely on Tkhakushinova, who at that time seemed to be a neutral candidate, capable of mitigating the conflicting political environment in the republic. Tkhakushinov distanced himself from the Adyghe activists, although he immediately took a principled position regarding a possible unification with the Krasnodar Territory. Just a few weeks after his election as president of Adygea, he called this idea a political speculation, and since then the issue has been closed. As for the second contender for the post of head of Adygea Ruslana Khadzhebiekova, then in 2007 he was delegated to the State Duma on the list of United Russia.

First term of office Aslana Tkhakushinova expired shortly after the December 2011 State Duma elections, followed by a series of protest rallies. In Adygeya, United Russia then scored 61% - significantly higher than the national average (49.3%), which clearly contributed to maintaining the status quo. A week after the Duma elections for Aslana Tkhakushinova 45 out of 48 deputies of the State Council of Adygea voted, and in January 2012 he officially assumed the post of head of the republic for the second time.

Meanwhile, even then it was clear that for the third term Tkhakushinov he is unlikely to qualify, given his age - 64 years. At the same time, the candidacy of his potential successor, the head of the government of Adygea, was not particularly hidden. Murata Kumpilova, which is brought by the nephew to his wife Aslana Tkhakushinova. Kumpilov became Prime Minister of the Republic in 2008 at the age of 35 and has held this position ever since. At the end of 2011, he was already included in the "short list" of three candidates for the head of the republic, proposed to the State Council of Adygea by the then president Dmitry Medvedev(the third candidate was an executive senator Vyacheslav Shverikas).

At the "equator" of the second term Aslan Tkhakushinov made it clear that he would like his successor to be elected by popular vote.

In a number of regions, including the North Caucasus, heads are elected by parliaments. In Adygea, in two years, the head of the republic will be determined by the population.
he said at a press conference last January. the name of his successor Tkhakushinov, however, did not name, but noted that a team has been formed in the republic that can delegate a worthy candidate.


clan enclave

In the meantime, more and more criticism began to arise against the current Adyghe authorities. Its main point is more than predictable for the North Caucasian region - a high level of clans. Among the high-ranking members of the "ruling family" are the brother of the head of the republic, a deputy of the parliament of Adygea and the head of a department at the Maikop Technological University Eduard Tkhakushinov; the son of the head, the prosecutor is closest to Krasnodar of the Takhtamukaysky district of Adygea Murat Tkhakushinov; son-in-law Aslana Tkhakushinova, Secretary of the Republican Security Council Hazer Cheech and other figures.

Again, according to the old Caucasian tradition, the elite groups that lost the struggle for power acted as active fighters against corruption in Adygea. Back in early 2013, with an open letter about corruption in the republic to the president Vladimir Putin the regional public movement "For the Future of Adygea" appealed, in the ranks of which many "former" figures appeared: the ex-head of the Teuchezhsky district Rashid Mugu, ex-head of the government of Adygea Muharbiy Tharkakhov, ex-head of Adygeysk Kim Mamiek, former minister of culture Kasey Khachegogu, as well as the former contender for the presidency of Adygea and at that time already a former State Duma deputy Ruslan Khadzhibiekov. In the 2011 elections, he was technically moved away from the passage part of the United Russia list, which was headed by Murat Kumpilov, and to represent the republic in the State Duma was entrusted to his subordinate, the Minister of Education of Adygea Raziet Natho.

The opposition of the “former” tried to give a “rearguard battle” in April 2013, when Muharbiy Tharkakhov tried to run for mayor of Maykop, but was not registered by the electoral commission. Shortly thereafter, the opposition website "Free Word of Adygea" and the blog Freedom-info.ru were closed, and "Fresh Newspaper" founded by the movement "For the Future of Adygea" stopped publishing. Unlike a number of other neighboring republics of the North Caucasus (for example, Kabardino-Balkaria or Dagestan), it was not possible to initiate a large-scale anti-corruption campaign in Adygea.


Political Ecology of the North Caucasus

However, the image of a region with a high clan-corruption component for Adygea was fixed quite steadily. The negative information background was also formed by the actions of law enforcement officers against journalists and civil activists. For example, to the late editor of Free Word of Adygea Vasily Purdenko for critical publications about the leadership of the republic, they were charged with extremist article 282 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation (inciting hatred or enmity).

But the most notorious episode in this series was the criminal case against the head of the Adyghe branch of the All-Russian Society for the Conservation of Nature Valeria Brinikha, who sharply criticized the activities of a large pig farm located in Adygea, owned by the family of a former senator from Karachay-Cherkessia Vyacheslav Dereva. For the authorities of Adygea, this enterprise was one of the examples of successful attraction of investors, but Brinikh has been proving for several years that the lack of control over the disposal of manure causes significant damage to the environment. After the publication of an article with the title "Silence of the Lambs", a case was opened against the ecologist under the same article. 282 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation, which is currently being considered by the Maikop City Court.

Environmental aspects came to the fore in the situation around other ambitious investment projects in Adygea, which, however, still remain only on paper. In particular, environmental activists categorically opposed the construction of an oil refinery in the republic (this project was announced by a businessman Abukar Bekov close to the Ingush billionaire Mikhail Gutseriev). And the largest project in the field of tourism - the construction of a new ski resort on the territory of the Lagonaki plateau as part of the tourism cluster of the North Caucasus - was criticized by UNESCO. In 2012, this international organization promised to add Lagonaki to the list of "World Heritage in Danger" if the construction of the resort continues. However, some time later, the project stalled on its own, because the Russian government simply did not have enough money to finance all the originally planned new resorts in the Caucasus. “Maybe the projects of the North Caucasus Federal District are getting something, but we and the Krasnodar Territory are not. Nothing is being done about the Lagonaki resort, and because there is no funding, ”admitted Aslan Tkhakushinov in February of this year.

After the calculation on the mega-project of the tourist cluster did not materialize, Adygea tried to get funds for the construction of resorts within the framework of the federal target program "Development of domestic and inbound tourism in the Russian Federation (2011-2018)", which included two projects of the republic - tourist parks "Dzhenet" and "Gate of Lagonaki". But even here, not everything went smoothly - not so long ago, the republic's authorities announced that the construction of the first of them would still have to be due to a lack of funds. True, the financing of the Lagonaki Gates project has not stopped - at the end of 2015, more than 437 million rubles were invested in it for gas and water supply facilities, this year it is planned to master another 341.5 million rubles. At the rate Aslana Tkhakushinova If you use all the possibilities of the federal targeted program, then every year 1 million tourists can visit Adygea, and with the current state of the infrastructure, the tourist flow is only 400 thousand people.

It was not by chance that Adygea was at the center of a number of scandalous stories with an ecological bias - it was in this republic that one of the most famous “green movements” in Russia, “Environmental Watch in the North Caucasus”, whose activists repeatedly initiated anti-corruption investigations against influential officials, was registered. The most famous of them were plots code-named "Palace Putin" and "cottage Tkachev"(the first of these objects is located in the Gelendzhik region, the second - not far from Tuapse). The open conflict with the authorities ended for the two leaders of Ecowatch - Suren Ghazaryan and Evgenia Vitishko- Quite predictably: after the initiation of criminal cases against them, the first left Russia, and the second is currently serving a three-year sentence under Art. 167 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation ("Intentional destruction or damage to another's property"). The basis for this sentence was the inscriptions “Sanya is a thief” and “This is our forest”, made by activists on the fence of the “dacha Tkachev».

Sentence Ghazaryan and Vitishko became a serious contribution to the protest political capital of a key figure in Ecowatch - its coordinator Andrey Rudomakha, who has repeatedly tried to move from a purely public field to a political one. Several years ago, Rudomakha was co-chairman of the branch of the Yabloko party in the Krasnodar Territory, but then left it along with his colleagues in Ecowatch. More recently, the coordinator of "Ecowatch" was under the gunpoint of criticism from his associates. In the beginning of April Suren Ghazaryan announced his withdrawal from the ranks of Ecowatch “for reasons of personal hygiene”, explaining his decision by the fact that denunciations were sent on behalf of the organization that had nothing to do with nature protection. Simultaneously a supporter of Ecowatch and a former member of Yabloko Alexander Safronov announced his withdrawal from the council of the regional branch of the Parnassus party in connection with his refusal to condemn the actions Rudomakha.

Shadow of Tkachev

Judging by a number of political science studies, by the end of the second term at the head of Adygea Aslan Tkhakushinov came not in the best shape. In the efficiency rating of the heads of regions of the Civil Society Development Fund, the head of Adygea did not leave the group of middle peasants (in the latest version he received 54 points out of 100). And in the latest version of the political survival of the Russian governors of the Petersburg Politics Foundation (November 2015), among the weaknesses Tkhakushinov and the economic weakness of the region, corruption and the lack of lobbying levers at the federal level were named. True, according to the authors of the study, political stability in the region, the absence of bad news, and the passivity of competitors played on the side of Tkhakushinov. However, at the end of last year, one of the potential competitors, not connected with the current elite of the republic, was nevertheless identified.

Last November, when the last meeting took place Aslana Tkhakushinova with Vladimir Putin, on the sidelines, the possibility of early resignation of the head of Adygea with the appointment of the former first vice-governor of the Krasnodar Territory was actively discussed Dzhambulata Khatuova. The latter, shortly before, left his post in the Kuban administration after he became its new head Veniamin Kondratiev. Under the ex-governor Alexandra Tkachev Khatuov had a reputation as his "right hand", and Kondratiev clearly did not want to keep such a strong figure in his entourage. For some time, the vice-governor was "married" to the post of the new head of the administration of Krasnodar, but the current mayor retained the post of mayor Vladimir Evlanov, and soon after the victory Veniamin Kondratiev in the elections last September Dzhambulat Khatuov resigned.

Several factors played in favor of his candidacy for Adygea. First of all, Dzhambulat Khatuov- an ethnic Circassian, a representative of a people closely related to the Adyghe people. Secondly, he has nothing to do with the current elite of Adygea: his entire career took place in the Krasnodar Territory - first in the structures of consumer cooperation, and then in municipal positions, where he was appreciated by Alexander Tkachev. At first Khatuov was elected mayor of the city of Armavir, then led Sochi for several months, and from there he moved to the regional administration, where he oversaw the most difficult front of work - the construction of Olympic facilities. The latter determined the third "plus" - the presence of good connections at the federal level, coupled with the ability to work for results in difficult conditions (you can also remember what exactly Dzhambulat Khatuov in 2012, he was engaged in the restoration of flooded Krymsk). Wherein Khatuov possesses the share of brutality necessary for the leadership of the Caucasian republic.

However, the assumption of an imminent change Tkhakushinova on the Khatuova have not been confirmed. Contrary to rumors of early resignation, the head of Adygea successfully retained his post, and took the former first deputy to him Alexander Tkachev already in his new status of Minister of Agriculture of the Russian Federation. As a deputy minister, Khatuov oversees six departments at once and the Rosselkhoznadzor, as well as, according to the established tradition, the most problematic areas. Most recently, for example, it was he who was sent to Timiryazevka to negotiate the transfer of the unique lands of the rural university for residential development.

Chance for "Varangian"

It seemed that the threat had passed, and now nothing stood in the way Aslan Tkhaukshinov carry out the operation "successor". However, on March 23, the parliament of the republic decided to cancel the direct election of its head - contrary to the once publicly announced intentions Tkhakushinova. As reasons for this decision, the deputies named the presence of relevant practices in other republics of the North Caucasus (with the exception of Chechnya, which is in a special position) and budget savings. But the real motives, obviously, were quite different.

With the current convocation of the Parliament of the Republic, Aslana Tkhakushinova there was never a complete understanding. The first conflict between them arose back in 2011, when the deputies elected as their representative in the Federation Council a well-known businessman in Adygea, the head of the State Council Committee on the Fuel and Energy Complex and Industry Nurbiya Samogova.

But Aslan Tkhakushinov wanted to see another person in the senator's chair - a 33-year-old Murata Khapsirokova, son of the assistant to the head of the presidential administration of the Russian Federation Nazira Khapsirokova. The latter was then at the peak of his influence: in early 2011, Hapsirokov took an active part in the early removal of the then president of Karachay-Cherkessia (his native republic) Boris Ebzeev and appointing instead Rashida Temrezova. And even after death Hapsirokova-senior in October 2011 Aslan Tkhakushinov continued to insist on the candidacy of his son, as a result of which Nurbiy Samogov resigned voluntarily, and Murat Hapsirokov in February 2012 he was elected as the new senator.

Literally a few days after that, the chairman of the State Council of Adygea died Fedor Fedorko, and the secretary of the local branch of United Russia became the acting speaker Mukhamed Ashev who enjoyed great prestige among the deputies. But here too Aslan Tkhakushinov insisted on his candidate in the person of a deputy completely loyal to the executive branch Vladimir Narozhny(formally, this corresponded to considerations of maintaining an ethnic balance in the top leadership of the republic). But the deputies blocked the candidacy for several months Narozhny, and the confrontation between the parliament and the head of the republic ended only after Mukhamed Ashev took self-withdrawal.

The term of office of the current parliament of Adygea expires this year, a few months before the election of a new head of the republic. This meant that in order to implement the parliamentary scheme for electing the head Aslan Tkhakushinov it was also necessary to ensure a completely loyal new parliament. Given the difficult relationship with the deputies, the logical way out of the situation seemed to be the direct election of the head, which, moreover, by definition, gives the winner more legitimacy. However, such a scenario did not rule out that in Adygea there would be a split in the electorate along ethnic lines if a passing candidate of a Russian politician was put up for election (or at least such an attempt was made). From this point of view, the transition to the parliamentary scheme looks like a kind of insurance that the post of the head of the republic will remain with the Adyghe, but at the same time with a guarantee that the Adyghe populist will not win the elections.

At the same time, the personal composition of the parliament may undergo serious changes, given the general orientation of United Russia on the rotation of personnel, which in the last couple of years has led to a significant renewal of the deputies in the neighboring republics of Karachay-Cherkessia and Kabardino-Balkaria. The same scenario can be implemented in Adygea, where 20 deputies of the current convocation of the State Council are in office for two terms or more, besides, the number of seats in the new convocation will be reduced from 54 to 50. All this will make it possible to obtain a more manageable composition of the parliament, which without problems will vote for the right candidate, but the main question remains: who will he be nominated - by the republic itself or by the federal center?

As a possible candidate, the "Varangian" is now still called Dzhambulata Khatuova, although an alternative scenario is also being discussed - a business trip to Adygeya of a person from law enforcement agencies (following the example of a number of other republics of the North Caucasus - Kabardino-Balkaria and Ingushetia). Among the representatives of this group in the circle of possible applicants is the name of a 65-year-old retired army general Aitecha Bizheva. His military career ended back in 2007 as Deputy Commander-in-Chief of the Air Force for the Joint Air Defense System of the CIS member states, further Bizhev for some time he worked as a representative of Adygea under the President of the Russian Federation, and then moved to the structures of the state corporation "Russian Technologies" and over the past three years has been the head of JSC NPP "ElTom". In 2006 year Aitech Bizhev already appeared in the lists of candidates for the presidency of Adygea. In addition, among the security forces who could potentially lead Adygea, the name of the major general of police is called Ruslana Kubova, who at one time led the republican Ministry of Internal Affairs. This figure is completely non-public.

Maykop, May 21 - AiF-Adygea. The Internet site "Free Word of Adygea" was on the verge of a sensational scandal.

As it turned out, the point is not at all in the "opposition" publications. "False" truth-seekers in their speeches signed other people's names - veterans, elderly and respected people.

Passion for the conduit

It all started with the fact that a veteran of the Great Patriotic War, a longtime subscriber and reader of the newspaper Argumenty i Fakty Ivan Sergeevich Zhilin came to the editorial office of AiF-Adygea.

I don’t know how, but I ended up in the middle of some scam that I have nothing to do with! Help me figure it out, he asked.

And laid out on the table a whole pile of documents. For example, a letter dated April 3, 2013 from the Investigative Committee of Russia is an answer to him, Zhilin, to some kind of slander: “Your appeal about the illegal actions of the Prime Minister of the Republic of Armenia Kumpilov M.K., as well as on other issues, has been sent for consideration Head of the Investigation Department of the Investigative Committee of the Russian Federation for the Republic of Armenia… You will be notified of the results.” Signature - Head of the Department for the Reception of Citizens and Consideration of Appeals of the Investigative Committee of the Russian Federation, Colonel of Justice Pelyushenko. In a pile of papers - similar answers from the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the Prosecutor's Office and even the FSB of Russia.

But I did not write any letters or complaints to anyone and did not ask anyone to understand anything. A year ago, before Victory Day, I turned to you with a question about veteran housing, but I myself came to the editorial office, the answer to my question was published in AiF - Adygea. And here in one of the papers it is written that I applied to the General Prosecutor's Office of Russia "on the issue of financing and reconstruction of the Maikop water conduit", to which I have nothing to do, - says the veteran.

At the same time, from the official paper sent on April 11, 2013 from Moscow, it follows: Zhilin I.S., residing in Maykop at the address such and such, applied to the Main Investigation Department for the North Caucasian Federal District - with a complaint ...

At first, I began to find in my mailbox almost every day these letters from high structures. Then they came to me from the prosecutor's office of Adygeya, they said that all appeals to the law enforcement agencies of Russia were signed with my name and address. I am 87 years old, I am a participant in the Great Patriotic War, why do I, an old man, need all this hassle? Zhilin says.

According to employees of the republican prosecutor's office, there is no doubt that the veteran is telling the truth. But it became clear after the law enforcement structures checked the facts stated in the complaint. And they convicted the "author" of false information, which he demanded to confirm in his appeal. And they became interested in the personality of the "slanderer".

But the veteran Zhilin is not the only resident of Maykop on the list of “complainers” against the leaders of the republican government. All appeals written on various occasions are signed by elderly people, and those who sent them used up to a dozen surnames in this fraud, the RA Prosecutor's Office told us.

"Anonymous Kills"

Having received several more names and addresses of such “applicants” in support of this answer, we decided to conduct our own fact check. But then the editorial office of "AiF - Adygea" received a written appeal from a resident of Maikop Viktor Lyamzin.

“Quite recently, the prosecutor's office of the republic received a statement, allegedly on my behalf. To explain some of the arguments of "my" appeal, an employee of the prosecutor's office came to my house and showed me this appeal. I was very surprised and upset. On my behalf, the appeal is addressed to the director of the Federal Security Service of the Russian Federation Murov and the first deputy head of the Presidential Administration of Russia Volodin in relation to the leaders and officials of the republic.

I am an elderly man who recently underwent a major operation. It is practically impossible for me to talk and it is absolutely contraindicated to worry. But I am very upset by this anonymous. I think law enforcement agencies should find these people, bring them to justice under the law! - said Viktor Lyamzin, who turned to us, in a personal conversation.

According to him, he did not write any letters to state structures.

Some rascal used my name. Cowardly and low - to write slander and hide behind someone else's name. In fact, this is a false anonymous letter that insulted and humiliated me, - says Lyamzin.

A similar opinion was expressed by another participant in the Great Patriotic War, Maykop resident Avim Oskarev, who also fell into squabbles due to someone's evil will. According to prosecutors, all these publications, published on behalf of elderly people who have nothing to do with them, contain either long-investigated and verified signals of violations, or completely false information.

As the owner (administrator) of the site “Free Word of Adygea” himself explained to the prosecutor’s office in his time, he took “catchy scandalous articles” in the print media and posted them on his portal in order to attract the attention of site visitors.

Here is such an innocent explanation, including the published lies in the name of some kind of popularity. How much is such a “free” word worth? For a veteran-heart with his attitude to the printed word, which a priori has a moral value, the lies of anonymous letters can be costly.

OPINION

Where anonymous letters come from and what is really happening, we asked for comment Prosecutor of the Republic of Adygea Vasily Poslovsky.

Indeed, the appeals of the residents of the republic to the federal state structures have recently become more frequent. They often express subjective opinions on a number of issues that at one time arose in Adygea, which in one way or another affected the state of law in the republic. Appeals come from people of various ages and social status, they are either published on websites and in various media in the region, or directly sent to federal authorities.

In a number of cases, when we call the applicants to explain or clarify their arguments - the prosecutor has the right to do this on the basis of Article 22 of the Federal Law "On the Prosecutor's Office of the Russian Federation" - these people explain that they did not submit any appeals to any state structures. So it was in the cases that became known to the editors with veterans Zhilin, Lyamzin, Oskarev and others. So it happened in the widely spread statements in Adygea about alleged lawlessness, which law enforcement officers allow against Zaur Meretukov, who is under investigation today, Azamat Tlemiganov, who is on the wanted list, and Baizet Dzybov. Moreover, these letters were sent from their personal names and from the names of their wives.

I'll give you a specific example. Zaur Meretukov, an employee of the prosecutor's office of the republic, said that “I did not write this appeal, and did not send it to the prosecutor's office. The handwriting on this application is not mine, and the signature under it is not mine, although it looks like mine. Who wrote this statement and for what purpose I do not know.” According to the same Meretukov, “this complaint states that allegedly Tlemiganov and Meretukov have information about the murder of the head of the Krasnogvardeisky district of the Republic of Adygea, Murat Kudaev, committed in 2006, in which a number of high-ranking officials of Adygea were allegedly involved. I must state that I had nothing to do with the writing of this complaint.”

Meretukov, like many others, insists that he did not write anything, did not send anyone anywhere, and did not ask anyone about it. But the same information about the murder of Kudaev also appeared in an appeal addressed to me in the press, which was signed by the director of AvtoGaz LLC Asfar Chukho. However, Chukho himself, having arrived at the prosecutor's office, explained that he had obtained such information from the media and on the Free Word of Adygea website. I will quote: “I do not have specific information about the murder of the former head of the Krasnogvardeisky district Kudaev, I get all the information from the media. I am not familiar with Tlemiganov, Meretukov, Dzybov. I don’t know what specific information they have about Kudaev’s murder.”

And the last. Another case: in early February 2013, the same site published an article “Blyagoz strikes back” on behalf of the former rector of Maikop Technological University Khazret Blyagoz. The article talked about the "reasons" for his resignation from the post of head of the university. However, the former rector, having appeared at the prosecutor's office of the republic, explained: “I declare categorically that I have nothing to do with this article, I did not give any materials for publication, I did not ask anyone to publish anything.” However, they publish ... Appeals on various occasions, to different authorities from different persons. In some cases, blasphemous. The authors of these letters do not consider either the law or elementary morality.

In Adygea, the opposition public movement "For the Future of Adygea" plans to hold a rally against corruption on April 18. Members of the movement claim that in the republic the fight against corruption is not real, but imaginary, and figures objectionable to the authorities fall under the scope of law enforcement agencies.

Persecution of the leader of the opposition movement

On April 2, the council of the movement filed an application for a rally "Fight against corruption in Adygea". All 8 council members signed the application. On April 4, the application was submitted to the mayor's office, but was not accepted. Officials cited incorrect paperwork. The organizers of the rally plan to apply again.

"In our opinion, the republican authorities and law enforcement agencies are acting in one bundle," said Rashid Mugu, a member of the movement's council.

“We have no real fight against corruption. Under the guise of fighting corruption, they imprison people who, in our opinion, have not committed illegal actions,” Mugu notes.

He cited several examples to support statements about the authorities' persecution of objectionable figures. “For example, when the head of the movement “For the Future of Adygea” Mukharbiy Tkharkakhov began to sue for the fact that he was illegally refused to register as a candidate for mayor of Maikop in May last year, persecution began against him and his brothers Arambia and Amerbia. Mukharbiy Tharkakhov was fired from the Adyghe State University, where he worked as a teacher. His brother, businessman Amerbiy Tharkakhov, was sentenced to 3 years for allegedly causing harm to human health,” Mugu said, adding that the court decision in this case was appealed.

Rashid Mugu said that under unclear pretexts, a criminal case had been initiated against the former rector of the Moscow State Technical University Khazret Blagoz and the accountant of the university Zarema Khadzhirokova on embezzlement. “We believe that the accusations against them are unfounded, and this is the order of the republican authorities, whose anger fell on the former leadership of the university,” Rashid Mugu emphasized.

In addition, he recalled the criminal cases initiated against the ex-head of the Main Directorate of the Ministry of Emergency Situations for Adygea Murat Gunazhokov and the head of Kuvaev LLC Murat Kuvaev, accused of violations during the construction of a residential town for employees of the Ministry of Emergency Situations. “We believe that this is also the elimination of unwanted people by the authorities. In addition, many heads of municipalities have recently been removed from their posts. We believe that we did it under far-fetched pretexts in order to appoint "ours," Mugu said.

The prosecutor's office considers the arguments of the opposition groundless

It should be noted that last year the movement "For the Future of Adygea", which, in addition to the ex-head of the Teuchezhsky district Rashid Mugu and the ex-head of the government of Adygea Mukharbiya Tharkakhov, includes the head of two convocations of the parliament of the Republic of Adygea Anatoly Ivanov, the former head of the State Council of Adygea and a former deputy of the State Duma of the Russian Federation Ruslan Khadzhibiekov, ex-head of Adygeysk Kim Mamiek, Honored Artist of the Russian Federation Kasey Khachegogu and other figures sent an appeal to the President of Russia, where they outlined the facts of corruption in the republic.

There are many problems in the republic that will be discussed at the rally. This is a prohibitively low level of wages, a long queue for kindergartens, a low level of medical care, and others.

The appeal speaks of “anti-state actions of the clan-corrupt authorities under the auspices of the head of the republic” and “embezzlement of local and federal budgets, imperious raiding of business objects.”

The answer came from the prosecutor's office of Adygeya, in which it was said that the facts stated by the authors of the appeal were not confirmed.

In the photo: Russian President Vladimir Putin and head of Adygea Aslan Tkhakushinov

“We believe that these facts have not even been verified,” says Rashid Mugu. - For example, 600 million rubles were allocated for the construction of the Ulyapsky bridge, the bridge and the road are being destroyed. Who should be responsible for this? In Maykop for the construction of a water conduit pipes previously used in the oil sector were laid, more than 2 billion rubles were allocated for these purposes. Pipes become unusable,” he stated.

Also, in the republic, according to him, there are many other problems - prohibitively low wages, a long queue for kindergartens, a low level of medical care and others. All this will be discussed at the upcoming rally.

Statistics for the President

Meanwhile, at the end of January 2014, the head of Adygea, Aslan Tkhakushinov, reported to the President of Russia Vladimir Putin about the stable socio-economic situation in the republic, multi-billion investment in the region's economy, the commissioning of more than 100 thousand square meters of housing, as well as solving the problem of priority in kindergartens.

The statements of the head of Adygea surprised the inhabitants of the republic, the statistics given by him are many times higher than those published by the state newspaper "Soviet Adygea"

Representatives of the opposition movement "For the Future of Adygea" called the data given by Aslan Tkhakushinov at a meeting with the President of the Russian Federation unreliable. Thus, according to a member of the council of the movement and editor-in-chief of Svezhaya Gazeta Natalia Namitokova, the statements of the head of Adygea surprised the inhabitants of the republic, the statistics he cited are many times higher than those published by the state newspaper Sovetskaya Adygea. She even pointed out that the authorities are preparing two types of data - "for external and internal use."

Aslan Tkhakushinov's statements about the salaries of doctors and teachers in the republic, which, according to him, have reached 26 and 18 thousand rubles, respectively, caused particular indignation among the public. According to the movement "For the Future of Adygea", doctors in the republic receive an average of 7-8 thousand rubles a month.

0 02.11.2015

Report to the participants of the 19th Festival of Russian Journalists.

Dear colleagues, I represent the newspaper Zakubanye, the print organ of the social movement Union of Slavs of Adygea. Our organization was created 25 years ago at the time of rampant sovereignization in the country and set itself the task of protecting the rights of the Russian population in the so-called national republic. The expression “so-called” fully corresponds to the real state of affairs: in Adygea, the titular population is 25%, 64% are Russians, and the remaining 11% are all the rest.

However, from the very beginning, the organization advocated for the rights of all citizens of Adygea, so on the pages of our newspaper you can find articles that raise issues relating to all citizens, and articles in defense of individual residents of the republic, regardless of their nationality. In fact, the Union of Slavs is the only active human rights organization in Adygea.

There was a time when the media were considered one of the tools to control the actions of officials. There was a time when publications about their "exploits" led to the arrival of high commissions, real checks and no less real organizational conclusions. The memory of those events makes the older generation turn to journalists for help. In contrast, young people are very skeptical about the possibilities of the media. In fact, what can journalists influence? Let's look at this on the example of Adygea.

Even 5 years ago in the republic, in addition to budget and advertising publications, one could count about 10 independent publications belonging to public organizations and parties. Today, this field has been cleared almost completely, the website “Free Word of Adygea” has been closed, and “Fresh Newspaper” has ceased to be published. The last newspaper of the public organization ROD SSA "Zakubanye" presents a dinosaur in this field, which has significantly outlived its relatives.

What influenced the population of independent media in Adygea so much? The problem is that it becomes simply unsafe for journalists to present an opinion independent of the official authorities. The editor of "Free Word of Adygea", a member of the Union of Writers Vasily Purdenko was recognized as an extremist for posting on the site an article about the personnel policy of the leadership of Adygea. At first, the court, secretly from the editor, recognized the material as extremist, and then V. A. Purdenko was sentenced for extremism. After a year of ordeals in the courts, in which the journalist was forced to defend his honest name, and the stress experienced, the disabled person of group II did not live long.

The editor of Svezhaya Gazeta, a brilliant publicist Natalya Namitokova, was sentenced to a fine for publishing absolutely truthful information about the atrocities of the "new Russians". The video recording from the registrar, which recorded the atrocities of the villains, was recognized by the court as inadmissible evidence due to the fact that the police violated the procedure for seizing the video recording. The fact was, but the journalist who described it turned out to be a liar in the eyes of justice.

Now lawsuits and a criminal case have been initiated against the author of many publications in Zakubanye, the well-known ecologist Valery Brinikh, the former director of two federal reserves (Daursky and Caucasian).

You may say that the problems of our journalists and newspaper editors are connected with the fact that they simply fell victim to their legal incompetence and were unable to defend themselves in the courts. Yes, they did not have the means to hire a lawyer like Genrikh Padva. But no Padva is able to influence the decision of the Adyghe court, if it is made "above". And this is the main problem that we have been talking about for many years - the involvement of law enforcement agencies and courts by the family that is in power in the republic. You can publish information on the pages of your newspaper about the son of the head of the republic, who, being the prosecutor of a district, quite often travels abroad under a different name, but his chief prosecutor of the republic will not hesitate to explain this. You can publish eyewitness statements about how the materials of the accident were falsified, the “hero” of which was a friend of the head of the republic, but you will not hear a clear reaction from the security forces. You can write about the company "STALKER", organized by high-ranking officials to withdraw budget money through the tax office. But even in this case, the answer will be the silence of law enforcement officers.

Seizure of business (article by Sulieta Kusova), direct control of the courts by the leadership of the republic (the case of judge Osipova), and even a direct accusation of illegal actions of the prosecutor M. Tkhakushinov, made by the chairman of the district court, remains unanswered.

All these are pebbles that have fallen into the quagmire of the law enforcement system of Adygea. In such cases, our officials prefer to remain thoughtfully silent, not even risking slander against the authors of the publication. And they deal with journalists when they are too "baked", using other reasons, choosing a suitable article from the well-known "gentleman's set": demonstration of Nazi symbols, Article 20.3 of the Code of Administrative Offenses of the Russian Federation, extremism, Art. 282 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation, inciting hatred towards a certain social group - the authorities.

Well, if this set is not enough, then you can simply insult your opponents in the anonymous newspaper "NABAT". It is known by whom it is distributed, but the publisher's security forces have not been able to establish.

In this situation, the independent media and journalists of Adygea have little choice: either curtail all activity, or contact the Kremlin, hoping for a miracle - the arrival of a competent commission that will understand not the peculiarities of Adyghe hospitality, but in particular the administration of the republic, in which local divisions of federal departments were members of the same “friendly family”.

Unfortunately, a miracle does not happen, the answers to our appeals come from those whom we complain about. The answers are standard, like a prayer before a meal: “There is no reason to react!”

Perhaps there is another way to interest the Moscow curators. Draw their attention to what is happening in Adygea through the central media. If they, showing solidarity with their "younger brothers in the profession", would take upon themselves the investigation of some cases in Adygea. For example, the case of Valery Brinikh, who, defending the interests of citizens, came into conflict not only with the leadership of the republic, but also with the well-known pig breeder-senator V. Derev. In this case, the unanimity of the power, supervisory departments and the leadership of the republic was very clearly manifested.

But they say that in order to organize a publication in a central publication, a lot of money is needed. In this matter, we cannot compete with the leadership of Adygeya, who prudently included in the budget an item of expenditure for creating a favorable image of the republic. Therefore, we can only rely on the solidarity of the brothers of journalists. True, they must understand that it is not safe to give information about what is happening in Adygea.

Here, journalist Svetlana Bolotnikova gave information on the interethnic conflict in the village of Beloye on the Greater Caucasus website. The local court (Krasnogvardeisky district), again secretly from her and the site editor, recognized the journalist's article as extremist. And she found out about it a year later, having read the federal list of extremist literature on the website of the Ministry of Justice of the Russian Federation. It seems that the same fate awaits now the site "NEWSPAPER. RU". And yet, despite the difficulties, the solidarity of fellow journalists seems to us the most likely way out of the impasse in which the dialogue between the authorities and the public has entered in Adygea.

Against the backdrop of recent events in the Komi Republic, it would be very timely for the Russian journalistic community to pay attention to Adygea, not being satisfied with the image of the most calm republic, which is so intensively forming the Tkhakushinov clan.

Perhaps, by joint efforts, we will get answers to the questions: why, for example, in the Takhtamukaysky district, where the younger Tkhakushinov oversees the rule of law, is the bank of the Kuban River illegally built up? Why has Prime Minister Kumpilov been nicknamed 50/50 among entrepreneurs?

Why the majority of investment projects in the republic are carried out in violation of the law and contrary to the interests of the local population. Why books, the author of which is the head of the republic, are obliged to redeem the heads of municipalities at the expense of budgetary funds, allegedly for libraries. And why, finally, the former rector of the Moscow State Technical University Blagoz Khazret, who was in custody in a pre-trial detention center, who came into conflict with the head of the republic, was not allowed to visit relatives for 11 months. And much more.