Decembrists sentenced to death. Ghosts of the Peter and Paul Fortress

ON JULY 25, 1826, 190 YEARS AGO, THE EXECUTION OF FIVE TOOK PLACE
LEADERS OF THE DECEMBER UPRISING.

A.S.PUSHKIN. 1827

Deep in Siberian ores
keep proud patience,
your sorrowful work will not be wasted
and thoughts of high aspiration.

Unluckily faithful sister,
hope in a dark dungeon
will awaken vigor and joy,
the desired time will come:

Love and friendship up to you
will reach through the dark gates,
like in your convict holes
my free voice comes through.

The heavy shackles will fall,
the prisons will collapse and freedom
you will be greeted joyfully at the entrance,
and the brothers will give you the sword.

A letter with poems was brought to the Decembrists by N.M. Muravyov’s wife, Alexandra
Grigorievna. The Decembrist poet Alexander Ivanovich Odoevsky wrote poetry to Pushkin
good answer.

A.I.ODOEVSKY

Strings of prophetic fiery sounds
reached our ears...
Our hands rushed to the swords
and only found shackles.

But be calm, bard! With chains
we are proud of our destiny;
and behind the prison gates
In our hearts we laugh at kings.

Our sorrowful work will not be wasted,
a spark will ignite a flame,
and our enlightened people
will gather under the holy banner.

We forge swords from chains
and let us re-ignite the flame of freedom,
she will come upon the kings,
and the peoples will sigh with joy!

The accession to the throne of NICHOLAS 1 was marked by an uprising on Senate Square
December 14, 1825, with its suppression and execution of the Decembrists.
The Decembrist uprising is an unprecedented phenomenon not only in Russian history,
but also in the world. When the oppressed rise up in rebellion, it is easier, if not op-
To be fair, then at least understand. But here the coup was being prepared highly
appointed military and hereditary nobles, among whom there are many eminent personalities
news For this reason, the phenomenon of Decembrism is far from an unambiguous assessment, as it is
it was also in the 19th century, including in relation to their execution.
None of the Decembrists laid claim to power. Two of those executed (Pestel and
Muravyov-Apostol) were participants in the Patriotic War of 1812, were wounded
and military awards.

Up to 600 people were involved in the Decembrist case. The investigation was conducted under direct
and the direct participation of Nicholas 1. He himself conducted interrogations in his office. Track-
The national commission reported every step during the investigation to Nikolai1. The trial was only
behind the screen, the verdict was essentially pronounced by the sovereign himself.
Justice over the Decembrists was administered not by the highest judicial body of Russia - the Senate, but
created bypassing the laws on the orders of Nicholas1, the Supreme Criminal Court, where
the judges were selected by the emperor himself.
Of the entire court, only Senator N.S. MORDVINOV (admiral, first naval
Minister of Russia) raised his voice against the death penalty to anyone, writing
special opinion. Everyone else showed ruthlessness in trying to please the king.
Even 3 clergy (2 metropolitans and an archbishop), who, as expected
Speransky, “according to their rank they will renounce the death penalty,” they did not renounce the sentence
five Decembrists for quartering.
The result of the court's work was a list of 121 "state criminals"
divided into 11 categories according to the degree of offense. Outside the categories were placed
sentenced to quartering
PESTEL Pavel Ivanovich (1793-1826), colonel
RYLEEV Kondraty Fedorovich (1795-1826), second lieutenant
MURAVYOV-APOSTOL Sergei Ivanovich (1796-1826), lieutenant colonel
BESTUZHEV-RYUMIN Mikhail Pavlovich (1801/1804/-1826), second lieutenant
KAKHOVSKY Pyotr Grigorievich (1793-1826), lieutenant.

31 “criminals” of the first category (who gave personal consent to the regicide)
sentenced to death by beheading. The rest were sentenced to various
long terms of hard labor.
Later, the death penalty was replaced with eternal hard labor for the “first-class men,” and for five
For the leaders of the uprising, quartering was replaced with the death penalty by hanging.
About 120 members of secret societies were subjected to EXTRAJUDICIAL REPRESSION (imprisonment
in the fortress, demotion, transfer to the active army in the Caucasus, transfer under
police supervision). The cases of the soldiers who took part in the uprising were examined by Special Commissions
these (178 people were driven through the gauntlet, 23 were subjected to other corporal punishment -
niyam, about 4,000 were sent to the army in the Caucasus). In 1826-1827 military courts
sent to hard labor and settlement in Siberia members of secret societies who did not
were directly connected with Northern and Southern societies, but only separated
their views.
A.M. Muravyov called the Investigative Committee an “inquisitorial tribunal... without
shadows of justice or impartiality..."
All sentences were accompanied by demotion, deprivation of ranks and nobility: above
the convicts broke their swords, tore off their epaulettes and uniforms and threw them into the fire
blazing fires.

25.7.1926, in connection with the 100th anniversary of the execution, at the site of the supposed
an obelisk was erected for the burial of the Decembrists, Golodny Island was renamed
to Dekabristov Island, and Senate Square, where the balls stood on December 14, 1825
Tight regiments - to Decembrist Square.
In 1975, in connection with the 150th anniversary of the Decembrist uprising, on the crown
Verka, a granite obelisk was built - a monument to the five best representatives
the first generation of Russian revolutionaries (architects V. Petrov, A. Lelyakov,
sculptors - A. Ignatiev, A. Dema). There is a bas-relief on the front side of the obelisk
with profiles of the Decembrists, which was first made at the request of Herzen and
featured on the cover of the Polar Star magazine he published. On the other hundred
the fiery words of A. S. Pushkin are carved on the ron - the last five lines from the poem -
niya "To Chaadaev".

A.S.PUSHKIN. TO CHAADAEV*.

Love, hope, quiet glory
deception did not bless us for long,
youthful fun has disappeared
like a dream, like morning fog;

But the desire still burns within us,
over the yoke of fatal power
impatient soul
Let us heed the calling of the fatherland.

We wait with languid hope
moments of holy freedom,
how a young lover waits
moments of a faithful date.

While we are burning with freedom,
while hearts are alive for honor,
my friend, let's dedicate it to the fatherland
beautiful impulses from the soul!

Comrade, believe: she will rise,
star of captivating happiness,
Russia will wake up from its sleep,
and on the ruins of autocracy
write our names!

The word "star" in Pushkin's time symbolized revolution. Poem
“To Chaadaev” is considered the anthem of the Decembrists. Pushkin did not plan to publish it
vat. But written down from the words of the poet during a reading in a narrow circle of friends, it was translated
passed from hand to hand until it was published in the almanac "North Star"
yes" in 1929. Pushkin gained fame as a freethinker, as a result of which
the poet went into exile twice by decree of Tsar Alexander 1.
*CHAADAEV Pyotr Yakovlevich is one of Pushkin’s close friends from his lyceum years.

To hard labor for some of the Decembrists (Trubetskoy, Volkonsky, Nikita Murav-
Yev and others) their wives voluntarily followed - young ones who had barely managed to get out
married aristocrats: princesses, baronesses, generals (12 people in total).
Three of them died in Siberia, the rest returned with their husbands after 30 years,
having buried more than 20 of his children in Siberian soil. The feat of these women was sung
in the poems of N.A. Nekrasov and the Frenchman A. de Vigny.

Reviews

Well, if the "Decembrists were not close to
people, but they were people with the progressive views of their time..." - they were not close to the people, and therefore to the interests of the people. Then what were their "advanced views"? It is necessary in the same way as in this article about execution , a detailed interpretation of these questions, without which millions will not understand - in the name of what are such sacrifices? And why, in the name of what does A. Pushkin speak so passionately about faith in the rising of a “star” (revolution)?

For your work - thank you, from the bottom of my heart. But to “tear” the Decembrists away from the people’s “aspirations”... then why should the people know and remember these events? Logics? Sincerely -

According to legend, the Peter and Paul Fortress is located on an ancient temple - the place of power of the Magi. The choice of the area to begin the foundation of the city was not made by Peter I by chance. The king saw eagles circling over the hill and considered this a good sign. Peter made a fateful decision when the eagles made two circles above the shore.

"Guards" of the Peter and Paul Fortress

The ancient fortress has long gained fame - “ghost fortress”, which I want to talk about.
According to legend, the ghosts of five Decembrists, executed in the summer of 1826, wander here at night. Eyewitnesses spoke of five pale figures in white flowing robes.

Stories about the appearance of ghosts of the Decembrists especially spread in the first years of Soviet power. The “Godless Society” even tried to catch the “obscurantist hooligans disturbing the peace of the working people,” but to no avail. The fighters against obscurantism heard only the sounds of footsteps and sighs, but when they ran to the sound, they found no one.

The ghosts of the Decembrists often appeared on the eve of the Great Patriotic War, as if predicting a coming tragedy for the city.


Execution of the Decembrists. Rice. M. Ancharov

Peter-Pavel's Fortress

Records of witnesses about the execution of the Decembrists have been preserved.
The conspirators were executed by hanging - a humiliating execution worthy of robbers. Before execution, the Decembrists' officer's uniforms were demonstratively torn off and their swords were broken, which indicated demotion before death. By order of Emperor Nicholas I “...tear off uniforms, crosses and break swords, which they then throw into the prepared fire...”

Here is a verbatim description of the execution by a witness:

“...The scaffold was already being built in a circle of soldiers, the criminals were walking in chains, Kakhovsky walked forward alone, behind him Bestuzhev-Ryumin arm in arm with Muravyov, then Pestel and Ryleev arm in arm and spoke to each other in French, but the conversation could not be heard. Walking past the scaffold under construction at a close distance, even though it was dark, you could hear that Pestel, looking at the scaffold, said: “C"est trop” - “This is too much” (French). They were immediately seated on the grass at a close distance, where they remained for the shortest time. According to the recollection of the quarterly overseer, “they were completely calm, but only very serious, as if they were thinking about some important matter." When the priest approached them, Ryleev put his hand to his heart and said: “ Do you hear how calmly it beats?” The convicts hugged for the last time.

Since the scaffold could not be ready soon, they were taken into the guardhouse into different rooms, and when the scaffold was ready, they were again taken out of the rooms accompanied by a priest. Police Chief Chikhachev read the maxim of the Supreme Court, which ended with the words: “... hang for such atrocities!” Then Ryleev, turning to his comrades, said, maintaining all his presence of mind: “Gentlemen! We must pay our last debt,” and with that they all knelt down, looking at the sky, and crossed themselves.

Execution of the Decembrists. Still from the film

Ryleev alone spoke - he wished for the well-being of Russia... Then, getting up, each of them said goodbye to the priest, kissing the cross and his hand, moreover, Ryleev said to the priest in a firm voice: “Father, pray for our sinful souls, do not forget my wife and bless your daughter "; Having crossed himself, he ascended the scaffold, followed by others, except for Kakhovsky, who fell on the priest’s chest, cried and hugged him so tightly that they took him away with difficulty...

Sundial "Time of the Master" in the Peter and Paul Fortress. The time of a sundial made according to the type of the 18th century differs from a modern one by two hours

During the execution there were two executioners who first put on the noose and then the white cap. They (that is, the Decembrists) had black skin on their chests, on which the name of the criminal was written in chalk, they were in white coats, and there were heavy chains on their legs. When everything was ready, with the pressing of the spring in the scaffold, the platform on which they stood on the benches fell, and at the same instant three fell: Ryleev, Pestel and Kakhovsky fell down. Ryleev’s cap fell off, and a bloody eyebrow and blood behind his right ear were visible, probably from a bruise.

Pushkin and the ghosts of the Decembrists

He sat crouched because he had fallen inside the scaffold. I approached him and said: “What a misfortune!” The Governor-General, seeing that three had fallen, sent adjutant Bashutsky to take other ropes and hang them, which was done. I was so busy with Ryleev that I did not pay attention to the rest of those who had fallen from the gallows and did not hear if they said what something. When the board was raised again, Pestel’s rope was so long that he could reach the platform with his toes, which was supposed to prolong his torment, and it was noticeable for some time that he was still alive. They remained in this position for half an hour, the doctor who was here announced that the criminals had died.”



When the ropes of the three condemned men broke, “You know, God doesn’t want them to die,” people whispered. Usually the criminal was not hanged twice, but the conspirators were not pardoned.
Another witness to the execution, Golenishchev-Kutuzov’s adjutant, said: “The bloody Ryleev rose to his feet and, turning to Kutuzov, said: “You, general, have probably come to watch us die in agony.” When Kutuzov’s new exclamation: “Hang them again quickly,” outraged the calm, dying spirit of Ryleev, this free, unbridled spirit of the conspirator flared up with its former indomitability and resulted in the following answer: “Vile guardsman, tyrant! Give the executioner your aiguillettes so that we don’t die a third time.”

There are other versions about Ryleev’s words after falling from the scaffold:
“Despite the fall, Ryleev walked firmly, but could not resist a sorrowful exclamation: “And so they will say that I failed at nothing, not even to die!” According to another version, he said: “Cursed land, where they don’t know how to plot, judge, or hang!”

Nicholas I himself was not present at the execution. Having received a letter about the completed sentence, the emperor wrote to his mother: “I am quickly writing two words, dear mother, wanting to inform you that everything happened quietly and in order: the vile ones behaved vilely, without any dignity.
Chernyshev is leaving this evening and, as an eyewitness, can tell you all the details. Sorry for the brevity of the presentation, but knowing and sharing your concern, dear mother, I wanted to bring to your attention what has already become known to me.”

The wife of Nicholas I, Alexandra Feodorovna, wrote in her diary: “What a night it was! I kept imagining the dead... At 7 o'clock Nikolai was woken up. In two letters, Kutuzov and Dibich reported that everything passed without any disturbances... My poor Nikolai has suffered so much these days!”

The family of the Decembrist Ryleev did not lose the favor of the imperial family. Nicholas I gave the rebel’s wife 2 thousand rubles, and the empress sent a thousand rubles for her daughter’s name day.

According to one of the officers, before the execution Pestel said: “What you sow must come up and will certainly come back later.” If these noble people who dreamed of the “ideal of democracy” knew what exactly would “rise”...

Continuation of the theme of the ghosts of Peter and Paul Fortress

The Decembrist uprising is an unprecedented phenomenon not only in Russian history, but also in world history. When the oppressed rise up in rebellion, it is easier, if not to justify them, then at least to understand them. But here the coup d'etat is being prepared not by the “humiliated and insulted,” but by high-ranking military men and hereditary nobles, among whom there are many eminent personalities.

The phenomenon of Decembrism

For this reason, the phenomenon of Decembrism is still not only unsolved, but also as far from an unambiguous assessment as it was in the 19th century.

The main thing that causes misunderstanding in the actions of the Decembrists so far is that they (not one of them) laid claim to power. This was the condition of their activity. Both then and now, the attitude towards the actions of the Decembrists is not uniform, including the attitude towards their execution: “They began to hang the bar and send them to hard labor, it’s a pity that they didn’t outweigh everyone ...” (a statement among cantonists, soldiers’ children) and “ In all honesty, I find that executions and punishments are disproportionate to the crimes” (words of Prince P. Vyazemsky).

The verdict of Nicholas I horrified society not only by the cruelty of the punishment of the participants in the uprising, but also by the hypocrisy of the emperor: he informed the Supreme Criminal Court, which decided the fate of the Decembrists, that it “rejects any execution associated with the shedding of blood.” Thus, he deprived the Decembrists sentenced to death of the right to execution. But two of them took part in the Patriotic War of 1812, had wounds and military awards - and now they were sentenced to a shameful death on the gallows. For example, P.I. Pestel, at the age of 19, was seriously wounded in the Battle of Borodino and was awarded a golden sword for bravery, and also distinguished himself in the subsequent foreign campaign of the Russian army. S.I. Muravyov-Apostol was also awarded a golden sword for his bravery in the Battle of Krasnoye.

Five Decembrists were sentenced to death by hanging:

P. Pestel

All the Decembrist prisoners were taken to the courtyard of the fortress and lined up in two squares: those belonging to the guards regiments and others. All sentences were accompanied by demotion, deprivation of ranks and nobility: the convicts' swords were broken, their epaulettes and uniforms were torn off and thrown into the fire of blazing fires. The Decembrist sailors were taken to Kronstadt and that morning the sentence of demotion was carried out on them on the flagship of Admiral Krone. Their uniforms and epaulettes were torn off and thrown into the water. “We can say that they tried to exterminate the first manifestation of liberalism with all four elements - fire, water, air and earth,” wrote the Decembrist V.I. in his memoirs. Steingel. More than 120 Decembrists were exiled for various periods to Siberia, to hard labor or settlement.

The execution took place on the night of July 25, 1826, on the crown of the Peter and Paul Fortress. During the execution, Ryleev, Kakhovsky and Muravyov-Apostol fell from their hinges and were hanged a second time. “You know, God doesn’t want them to die,” said one of the soldiers. And Sergei Muravyov-Apostol, standing up, said: “Cursed land, where they can neither form a conspiracy, nor judge, nor hang.”

Because of this unforeseen incident, the execution was delayed, it was dawn on the street, passers-by began to appear, so the funeral was postponed. The next night, their bodies were secretly taken away and buried on Goloday Island in St. Petersburg (presumably).

Pavel Ivanovich Pestel, colonel (1793-1826)

Born in Moscow into a family of Russified Germans who settled in Russia at the end of the 17th century. The first child in the family.

Education: primary home, then studied in Dresden in 1805-1809. Upon returning to Russia in 1810, he entered the Corps of Pages, from which he graduated brilliantly with his name inscribed on a marble plaque. He was sent as an ensign to the Lithuanian Life Guards Regiment. He took part in the Patriotic War of 1812 and was seriously wounded in the Battle of Borodino. Awarded a golden sword for bravery.

Returning to the army after being wounded, he was Count Wittgenstein's adjutant and participated in the campaigns of 1813-1814 abroad: the battles of Pirna, Dresden, Kulm, Leipzig, distinguished himself when crossing the Rhine, in the battles of Bar-sur-Aube and Troyes. Then, together with Count Wittgenstein, he was in Tulchin and from here he was sent to Bessarabia to collect information about the actions of the Greeks against the Turks, as well as for negotiations with the ruler of Moldavia in 1821.

In 1822, he was transferred as a colonel to the Vyatka infantry regiment, which was in a disorganized state, and within a year Pestel brought it into full order, for which Alexander I granted him 3,000 acres of land.

The idea of ​​improving society arose in him back in 1816, from the time of his participation in Masonic lodges. Then there was the Salvation Union, for which he drew up a charter, the Welfare Union and, after its self-liquidation, the Southern Secret Society, which he headed.

Pestel expressed his political views in the “Russian Truth” program he compiled, which was the main point of accusation against him by the Investigative Commission after the defeat of the uprising.

He was arrested on the road to Tulchin after the uprising on December 14, 1825, was imprisoned in the Peter and Paul Fortress and after 6 months sentenced to quartering, replaced by hanging.

From the verdict of the Supreme Court on the main types of crime: “Had intent to commit Regicide; he sought means for this, elected and appointed persons to carry it out; plotted the extermination of the IMPERIAL FAMILY and with composure counted all its members doomed to sacrifice, and incited others to do so; established and ruled with unlimited power the Southern Secret Society, which had the goal of rebellion and the introduction of republican rule; drew up plans, charters, constitution; excited and prepared for rebellion; participated in the plan to tear the Regions away from the Empire and took active measures to spread the society by attracting others.”

According to one of the officers, before his execution, Pestel said: “What you sow must come back and will certainly come back later.”

Pyotr Grigorievich Kakhovsky, lieutenant (1797-1826)

On December 14, 1825, he mortally wounded the Governor-General of St. Petersburg, hero of the Patriotic War of 1812, Count M.A. Miloradovich, commander of the Life Guards Grenadier Regiment, Colonel N.K. Sturler, as well as retinue officer P.A. Gastfer.

Born into a family of impoverished nobles in the village of Preobrazhenskoye, Smolensk province, he studied at a boarding school at Moscow University. In 1816, he entered the Life Guards Jaeger Regiment as a cadet, but was demoted to soldier for too violent behavior and dishonest attitude towards service. In 1817 he was sent to the Caucasus, where he rose to the rank of cadet and then to lieutenant, but was forced to resign due to illness. In 1823-24 he traveled through Austria, Germany, Italy, France and Switzerland, where he studied the political system and history of European states.

In 1825 he joined the Northern Secret Society. On December 14, 1825, the Guards Fleet crew raised itself and was one of the first to arrive at Senate Square, where it showed firmness and determination. Arrested on the night of December 15, imprisoned in the Peter and Paul Fortress.

Having an ardent character, Kakhovsky was ready for the most daring actions. So, he was going to Greece to fight for its independence, and in a secret society he was a supporter of the destruction of autocratic power, the murder of the king and the entire royal dynasty, and the establishment of republican rule. At a meeting on December 13, 1825, at Ryleev’s, he was assigned the murder of Nicholas I (since Kakhovsky did not have his own family), but on the day of the uprising he did not dare to commit this murder.

During the investigation, he behaved very boldly, sharply criticized the emperors Alexander I and Nicholas I. In the Peter and Paul Fortress, he wrote several letters to Nicholas I and the investigators, which contained a critical analysis of Russian reality. But at the same time, he petitioned for relief of the fate of other arrested Decembrists.

From the verdict of the Supreme Court on the main types of crime: “He intended to commit Regicide and exterminate the entire IMPERIAL FAMILY, and, being destined to encroach on the life of the now reigning GOVERNMENT EMPEROR, did not renounce this election and even expressed his consent, although he assures that he subsequently wavered; participated in spreading the riot by recruiting many members; personally acted in rebellion; excited the lower ranks and himself dealt a mortal blow to Count Miloradovich and Colonel Sturler and wounded the Suite Officer.”

Kondraty Fedorovich Ryleev, second lieutenant (1795-1826)

Born in the village of Batovo (now the Gatchina district of the Leningrad region) in the family of a small nobleman who managed the estate of Princess Golitsyna. From 1801 to 1814 he was educated within the walls of the St. Petersburg First Cadet Corps. He was a participant in the foreign campaigns of the Russian army in 1814-1815.

After his resignation in 1818, he served as assessor of the St. Petersburg Criminal Chamber, and from 1824 - the ruler of the office of the Russian-American Company.

He was a member of the “Free Society of Lovers of Russian Literature” and was the author of the famous satirical ode “To the Temporary Worker.” Together with A. Bestuzhev, he published the almanac “Polar Star”. His thought “The Death of Ermak” became a song.

In 1823 he joined the Northern Secret Society and headed its radical wing; he was a supporter of the republican system, although initially he took the position of monarchism. He was one of the leaders of the Decembrist uprising. But during the investigation, he completely repented of what he had done, took all the “guilt” upon himself, tried to justify his comrades, and hoped for the mercy of the emperor.

From the verdict of the Supreme Court on the main types of crime: “Intended to commit Regicide; appointed a person to perform this task; planned for the imprisonment, expulsion and extermination of the IMPERIAL FAMILY and prepared the means for this; strengthened the activities of the Northern Society; he controlled it, prepared methods for rebellion, made plans, forced him to compose a Manifesto on the destruction of the Government; he himself composed and distributed outrageous songs and poems and accepted members; prepared the main means for the rebellion and was in charge of them; incited the lower ranks to revolt through their Chiefs through various seductions, and during the rebellion he himself came to the square.”

He addressed his last words on the scaffold to the priest: “Father, pray for our sinful souls, do not forget my wife and bless your daughter.”

During the investigation, Nicholas I sent Ryleev’s wife 2 thousand rubles, and then the Empress sent another thousand for her daughter’s name day. He took care of Ryleev’s family even after the execution: his wife received a pension until her second marriage, and his daughter until she came of age.

I know: destruction awaits

The one who rises first

On the oppressors of the people;

Fate has already doomed me.

But where, tell me, when was it

Freedom redeemed without sacrifice?

(K. Ryleev, from the poem “Nalivaiko”)

Sergei Ivanovich Muravyov-Apostol, lieutenant colonel (1796-1826)

Born in St. Petersburg and was the fourth child in the family of the famous writer of that time and statesman I.M. Muravyov-Apostol. He received his education at a private boarding school in Paris with his brother, M.I. Muravyov-Apostol, where their father served as Russian envoy. In 1809 he returned to Russia and was shocked by the situation in Russia that he saw anew after a long absence, especially the existence of serfdom. Upon his return, he entered the corps of railway engineers in St. Petersburg.

During the Patriotic War of 1812 he took part in many battles. For the battle of Krasnoye he was awarded a golden sword for bravery. Together with the Russian army he entered Paris and completed his foreign campaign there.

In 1820, the Semenovsky regiment, in which Muravyov-Apostol served, rebelled, and he was transferred to the Poltava, then to the Chernigov regiment as a lieutenant colonel. He was among the founders of the Union of Salvation and the Union of Welfare, as well as one of the most active members of Southern society. He established contact with the Society of United Slavs.

Muravyov-Apostol agreed with the need for regicide and was a supporter of republican rule.

He conducted propaganda among soldiers, being one of the leaders of the Decembrists. After the defeat of the uprising in St. Petersburg, the Chernigov regiment was raised, and “being surrounded by a detachment of hussars and artillerymen, he defended himself against the artillery itself, and, thrown to the ground by grapeshot, with the help of others he mounted his horse again and ordered him to go forward.”

He was taken prisoner, seriously wounded. Sentenced to death and hanged on the crown of the Peter and Paul Fortress.

From the verdict of the Supreme Court on the main types of crime: “Had intent to commit Regicide; found funds, elected and appointed others; agreeing to the expulsion of the IMPERIAL FAMILY, he demanded in particular the murder of the TSESAREVICH and incited others to do so; had the intent to deprive the EMPEROR of his freedom; participated in the management of the Southern Secret Society throughout the entire scope of its outrageous plans; composed proclamations and incited others to achieve the goal of this society, to revolt; participated in the plot to secede the Regions from the Empire; took active measures to spread the society by attracting others; personally acted in rebellion with the readiness to shed blood; excited the soldiers; freed convicts; He even bribed a priest to read before the ranks of the rioters the false catechism he had compiled and was taken with arms in his hands.”

Mikhail Pavlovich Bestuzhev-Ryumin, second lieutenant (1801(1804)-1826)

Born in the village of Kudreshki, Gorbatovsky district, Nizhny Novgorod province. Father is a court councilor, mayor of the city of Gorbatov, from the nobility.

In 1816, the Bestuzhev-Ryumin family moved to Moscow. The future Decembrist received a good home education, entered service as a cadet in the Cavalry Guard Regiment, and in 1819 he was transferred to the Semenovsky Life Guards Regiment, where he was promoted to lieutenant ensign. After the uprising in the Semenovsky regiment, he was transferred to the Poltava Infantry Regiment, then he made a military career: ensign, battalion adjutant, front adjutant, second lieutenant.

Bestuzhev-Ryumin was one of the leaders of the Southern Society, which he was admitted to in 1823. Together with S.I. Muravyov-Apostol headed the Vasilkovsky council, was a participant in the congresses of the leaders of the Southern Society in Kamenka and Kyiv, and negotiated with the secret Polish society about joining the Southern Society of the Society of United Slavs. He led (together with S.I. Muravyov-Apostol) the uprising of the Chernigov regiment.

Arrested at the site of the uprising with weapons in hand, taken to St. Petersburg in chains from Bila Tserkva to the General Headquarters, and on the same day transferred to the Peter and Paul Fortress. Sentenced to hang.

From the verdict of the Supreme Court on the main types of crime: “Had intent to commit Regicide; sought means for this; he himself volunteered to kill the LORD EMPEROR of blessed memory and the now reigning GOVERNMENT EMPEROR; elected and appointed persons to perform it; had the intention of exterminating the IMPERIAL FAMILY, expressed it in the most cruel terms scattering of ashes; had the intention of expelling the IMPERIAL FAMILY and depriving the freedom of the blessed memory of the GOVERNMENT EMPEROR and he himself volunteered to commit this last atrocity; participated in the management of the Southern Society; added Slavic to it; drafted proclamations and made outrageous speeches; participated in the composition of a false catechism; aroused and prepared for rebellion, demanding even oath promises by kissing the image; formed the intention to secede the Regions from the Empire and acted in its execution; took active measures to spread the society by attracting others; personally acted in rebellion with the readiness to shed blood; incited the Officers and soldiers to revolt and was taken with arms in hand.”

Executed on the crown of the Peter and Paul Fortress. He was buried along with other executed Decembrists on the island. Going hungry.

A monument was erected at the site of the death of the Decembrists. Under the bas-relief on the monument there is an inscription: “At this place on July 13/25, 1826, the Decembrists P. Pestel, K. Ryleev, P. Kakhovsky, S. Muravyov-Apostol, M. Bestuzhev-Ryumin were executed.” On the other side of the obelisk are carved verses by A. S. Pushkin:

Comrade, believe: she will rise,
Star of captivating happiness,
Russia will wake up from its sleep,
And on the ruins of autocracy, .

DECEMBRISTS

The emergence of the movement of noble revolutionaries was determined both by internal processes taking place in Russia and by international events in the first quarter of the 19th century.

Causes and nature of movement. The main reason is the understanding of the best representatives of the nobility that the preservation of serfdom and autocracy is disastrous for the future fate of the country.

An important reason was the Patriotic War of 1812 and the presence of the Russian army in Europe in 1813-1815. The future Decembrists called themselves “children of the 12th year.” They realized that the people who saved Russia from enslavement and liberated Europe from Napoleon deserved a better fate. Acquaintance with European reality convinced the leading part of the nobles that the serfdom of the Russian peasantry needed to be changed. They found confirmation of these thoughts in the works of French enlighteners who spoke out against feudalism and absolutism. The ideology of noble revolutionaries also took shape on domestic soil, since many state and public figures already in the 18th - early 19th centuries. condemned serfdom.

The international situation also contributed to the formation of a revolutionary worldview among some Russian nobles. According to the figurative expression of P.I. For Pestel, one of the most radical leaders of secret societies, the spirit of transformation made “minds bubble everywhere.”

“No matter the mail, there’s a revolution,” they said, hinting at receiving information in Russia about the revolutionary and national liberation movements in Europe and Latin America. The ideology of European and Russian revolutionaries, their strategy and tactics largely coincided. Therefore, the uprising in Russia in 1825 is on a par with pan-European revolutionary processes. They had an objectively bourgeois character.

However, the Russian social movement had its own specifics. It was expressed in the fact that in Russia there was virtually no bourgeoisie capable of fighting for its interests and for democratic changes. The broad masses of the people were dark, uneducated and downtrodden. For a long time they retained monarchical illusions and political inertia. Therefore, revolutionary ideology and understanding of the need to modernize the country took shape at the beginning of the 19th century. exclusively among the advanced part of the nobility, who opposed the interests of their class. The circle of revolutionaries was extremely limited - mainly representatives of the noble nobility and the privileged officer corps.

Secret societies in Russia appeared at the turn of the 18th-19th centuries. They had a Masonic character, and their participants shared mainly a liberal-enlightenment ideology. In 1811-1812 There was a group of 7 people called “Choka”, created by N.N. Muravyov. In a fit of youthful idealism, its members dreamed of founding a republic on the island of Sakhalin. After the end of the Patriotic War of 1812, secret organizations existed in the form of officer partnerships and circles of young people connected by family and friendly ties. In 1814 in St. Petersburg N.N. Muravyov formed the “Sacred Artel”. Also known is the Order of Russian Knights, founded by M.F. Orlov. These organizations did not actually take active actions, but were of great importance, since the ideas and views of future leaders of the movement were formed in them.

The first political organizations. In February 1816, after the return of most of the Russian army from Europe, a secret society of future Decembrists, the “Union of Salvation,” arose in St. Petersburg. Since February 1817, it was called the “Society of True and Faithful Sons of the Fatherland.” It was founded by: P.I. Pestel, A.N. Muravyov, S.P. Trubetskoy. They were joined by K.F. Ryleev, I.D. Yakushkin, M.S. Lunin, S.I. Muravyov-Apostol and others.

"Union of Salvation" is the first Russian political organization that had a revolutionary program and charter - "Statute". It contained two main ideas for the reconstruction of Russian society - the abolition of serfdom and the destruction of autocracy. Serfdom was seen as a disgrace and the main obstacle to the progressive development of Russia, autocracy - as an outdated political system. The document spoke of the need to introduce a constitution that would limit the rights of absolute power. Despite heated debates and serious disagreements (some members of society ardently spoke out for a republican form of government), the majority considered a constitutional monarchy to be the ideal of the future political system. This was the first watershed in the views of the Decembrists. Disputes on this issue continued until 1825.

In January 1818, the Union of Welfare was created - a fairly large organization, numbering about 200 people. Its composition still remained predominantly noble. There were a lot of young people in it, and the military predominated. The organizers and leaders were A.N. and N.M. Muravyov, S.I. and M.I. Muravyov-Apostoly, P.I. Pestel, I.D. Yakushkin, M.S. Lunin and others. The organization received a fairly clear structure. The Root Council, the general governing body, and the Council (Duma), which had executive power, were elected. Local organizations of the Union of Welfare appeared in St. Petersburg, Moscow, Tulchin, Chisinau, Tambov, and Nizhny Novgorod.

The program and charter of the union were called the “Green Book” (based on the color of the binding). Conspiratorial tactics and secrecy among leaders. They called for the development of two parts of the program. The first, associated with legal forms of activity, was intended for all members of society. The second part, which spoke of the need to overthrow the autocracy, abolish serfdom, introduce constitutional government and, most importantly, to implement these demands by violent means, was known especially to the initiated.

All members of society took part in legal activities. They tried to influence public opinion. For this purpose, educational organizations were created, books and literary almanacs were published. Members of society also acted by personal example - they freed their serfs, bought them from landowners, and freed the most gifted peasants.

Members of the organization (mainly within the framework of the Root Council) conducted fierce debates about the future structure of Russia and the tactics of the revolutionary coup. Some insisted on a constitutional monarchy, others on a republican form of government. By 1820, Republicans began to dominate. The means of achieving the goal were considered by the Root Government to be a conspiracy based on the army. Discussion of tactical issues - when and how to carry out a coup - revealed great differences between radical and moderate leaders. Events in Russia and Europe (uprising in the Semenovsky regiment, revolutions in Spain and Naples) inspired members of the organization to seek more radical actions. The most decisive insisted on the speedy preparation of a military coup. Moderates objected to this.

At the beginning of 1821, due to ideological and tactical differences, a decision was made to dissolve the Union of Welfare. By taking such a step, the leadership of the society intended to get rid of traitors and spies who, as they reasonably believed, could infiltrate the organization. A new period began, associated with the creation of new organizations and active preparations for revolutionary action.

In March 1821, the Southern Society was formed in Ukraine. Its creator and leader was P.I. Pestel, a staunch republican, distinguished by some dictatorial habits. The founders were also A.P. Yushnevsky, N.V. Basargin, V.P. Ivashev and others. In 1822, the Northern Society was formed in St. Petersburg. Its recognized leaders were N.M. Muravyov, K.F. Ryleev, S.P. Trubetskoy, M.S. Lunin. Both societies “had no other idea how to act together.” These were large political organizations for that time, possessing well-theoretically developed program documents.

Constitutional projects. The main projects discussed were “Constitution” by N.M. Muravyov and "Russian Truth" P.I. Pestel. The "Constitution" reflected the views of the moderate part of the Decembrists, "Russkaya Pravda" - the radical ones. The focus was on the question of the future state structure of Russia.

N.M. Muravyov advocated a constitutional monarchy - a political system in which executive power belonged to the emperor (the hereditary power of the tsar was retained for continuity), and legislative power belonged to parliament (the "People's Assembly"). The suffrage of citizens was limited by a fairly high property qualification. Thus, a significant part of the poor population was excluded from the political life of the country.

P.I. Pestel unconditionally spoke out for the republican political system. In his project, the legislative power was vested in a unicameral parliament, and the executive power was vested in the “Sovereign Duma” consisting of five people. Every year one of the members of the “Sovereign Duma” became the president of the republic. P.I. Pestel proclaimed the principle of universal suffrage. In accordance with the ideas of P.I. Pestel, a parliamentary republic with a presidential form of government was to be established in Russia. It was one of the most progressive political government projects of that time.

In solving the most important agrarian-peasant issue for Russia, P.I. Pestel and N.M. Muravyov unanimously recognized the need for the complete abolition of serfdom and the personal liberation of peasants. This idea ran like a red thread through all the program documents of the Decembrists. However, the issue of allocating land to peasants was resolved by them in different ways.

N.M. Muravyov, considering the landowner's ownership of land inviolable, proposed transferring the ownership of a personal plot and 2 dessiatines of arable land per yard to the peasants. This was clearly not enough to run a profitable peasant farm.

According to P.I. Pestel, part of the landowners' land was confiscated and transferred to a public fund to provide workers with an allotment sufficient for their "subsistence." Thus, for the first time in Russia, the principle of land distribution according to labor standards was put forward. Consequently, in resolving the land issue P.I. Pestel spoke from more radical positions than N.M. Muravyov.

Both projects also concerned other aspects of the Russian socio-political system. They provided for the introduction of broad democratic civil liberties, the abolition of class privileges, and significant simplification of military service for soldiers. N.M. Muravyov proposed a federal structure for the future Russian state, P.I. Pestel insisted on preserving an indivisible Russia, in which all nations were to merge into one.

In the summer of 1825, the southerners agreed on joint actions with the leaders of the Polish Patriotic Society. At the same time, the “Society of United Slavs” joined them, forming a special Slavic council. All of them launched active agitation among the troops with the aim of preparing an uprising in the summer of 1826. However, important internal political events forced them to speed up their action.

Uprising in St. Petersburg. After the death of Tsar Alexander I, an extraordinary situation arose in the country - an interregnum. The leaders of the Northern Society decided that the change of emperors created a favorable moment for speaking out. They developed a plan for the uprising and scheduled it for December 14, the day the Senate took the oath to Nicholas. The conspirators wanted to force the Senate to accept their new program document - “Manifesto to the Russian People” - and instead of swearing allegiance to the emperor, proclaim the transition to constitutional rule.

The “Manifesto” formulated the main demands of the Decembrists: the destruction of the previous government, i.e. autocracy; abolition of serfdom and introduction of democratic freedoms. Much attention was paid to improving the situation of soldiers: the abolition of conscription, corporal punishment, and the system of military settlements was proclaimed. The “Manifesto” announced the establishment of a temporary revolutionary government and the convening after some time of a Great Council of representatives of all classes of Russia to determine the future political structure of the country.

Early in the morning of December 14, 1825, the most active members of the Northern Society began agitation among the troops of St. Petersburg. They intended to bring them to Senate Square and thereby influence the senators. However, things moved rather slowly. Only at 11 o’clock in the morning was it possible to bring the Moscow Life Guards Regiment to Senate Square. At one o'clock in the afternoon, the rebels were joined by sailors of the Guards naval crew and some other parts of the St. Petersburg garrison - about 3 thousand soldiers and sailors led by Decembrist officers. But further events did not develop according to plan. It turned out that the Senate had already sworn allegiance to Emperor Nicholas I and the senators went home. There was no one to present the Manifesto to. S.P. Trubetskoy, appointed dictator of the uprising, did not appear on the square. The rebels found themselves without leadership and doomed themselves to a senseless wait-and-see tactic.

Meanwhile, Nikolai gathered units loyal to him in the square and decisively used them. Artillery grapeshot scattered the ranks of the rebels, who in disorderly flight tried to escape on the ice of the Neva. The uprising in St. Petersburg was crushed. Arrests of members of the society and their sympathizers began.

Revolt in the south. Despite the arrests of some leaders of the Southern Society and the news of the defeat of the uprising in St. Petersburg, those who remained free decided to support their comrades. December 29, 1825 S.I. Muravyov-Apostol and M.P. Bestuzhev-Ryumin rebelled in the Chernigov regiment. Initially, it was doomed to failure. On January 3, 1826, the regiment was surrounded by government troops and shot with grapeshot.

Investigation and trial. 579 people were involved in the investigation, which took place secretly and closed. 289 were found guilty. Nicholas I decided to severely punish the rebels. Five people - P.I. Pestel, K.F. Ryleev, S.I. Muravyov-Apostol, M.P. Bestuzhev-Ryumin and P.G. Kakhovsky - were hanged. The rest, divided according to the degree of guilt into several categories, were exiled to hard labor, to settlement in Siberia, demoted to the ranks of soldiers and transferred to the Caucasus to join the active army. None of the punished Decembrists returned home during Nicholas’s lifetime. Some of the soldiers and sailors were beaten to death with spitzrutens and sent to Siberia and the Caucasus. For many years in Russia it was forbidden to mention the uprising.

The reasons for the defeat and the significance of the Decembrists’ speech. The reliance on a conspiracy and a military coup, the weakness of propaganda activities, the insufficient preparedness of society for changes, lack of coordination of actions, and wait-and-see tactics at the time of the uprising are the main reasons for the defeat of the Decembrists.

However, their performance became a significant event in Russian history. The Decembrists developed the first revolutionary program and plan for the future structure of the country. For the first time, a practical attempt was made to change the socio-political system of Russia. The ideas and activities of the Decembrists had a significant influence on the further development of social thought.

What you need to know about this topic:

Socio-economic development of Russia in the first half of the 19th century. Social structure of the population.

Development of agriculture.

Development of Russian industry in the first half of the 19th century. The formation of capitalist relations. Industrial revolution: essence, prerequisites, chronology.

Development of water and highway communications. Start of railway construction.

Exacerbation of socio-political contradictions in the country. The palace coup of 1801 and the accession to the throne of Alexander I. “The days of Alexander were a wonderful beginning.”

Peasant question. Decree "On Free Plowmen". Government measures in the field of education. State activities of M.M. Speransky and his plan for state reforms. Creation of the State Council.

Russia's participation in anti-French coalitions. Treaty of Tilsit.

Patriotic War of 1812. International relations on the eve of the war. Causes and beginning of the war. Balance of forces and military plans of the parties. M.B. Barclay de Tolly. P.I. Bagration. M.I.Kutuzov. Stages of war. Results and significance of the war.

Foreign campaigns of 1813-1814. Congress of Vienna and its decisions. Holy Alliance.

The internal situation of the country in 1815-1825. Strengthening conservative sentiments in Russian society. A.A. Arakcheev and Arakcheevism. Military settlements.

Foreign policy of tsarism in the first quarter of the 19th century.

The first secret organizations of the Decembrists were the “Union of Salvation” and the “Union of Prosperity”. Northern and Southern society. The main program documents of the Decembrists are “Russian Truth” by P.I. Pestel and “Constitution” by N.M. Muravyov. Death of Alexander I. Interregnum. Uprising on December 14, 1825 in St. Petersburg. Uprising of the Chernigov regiment. Investigation and trial of the Decembrists. The significance of the Decembrist uprising.

The beginning of the reign of Nicholas I. Strengthening autocratic power. Further centralization and bureaucratization of the Russian state system. Intensifying repressive measures. Creation of the III department. Censorship regulations. The era of censorship terror.

Codification. M.M. Speransky. Reform of state peasants. P.D. Kiselev. Decree "On Obligated Peasants".

Polish uprising 1830-1831

The main directions of Russian foreign policy in the second quarter of the 19th century.

Eastern question. Russian-Turkish War 1828-1829 The problem of the straits in Russian foreign policy in the 30s and 40s of the 19th century.

Russia and the revolutions of 1830 and 1848. in Europe.

Crimean War. International relations on the eve of the war. Causes of the war. Progress of military operations. Russia's defeat in the war. Peace of Paris 1856. International and domestic consequences of the war.

Annexation of the Caucasus to Russia.

The formation of the state (imamate) in the North Caucasus. Muridism. Shamil. Caucasian War. The significance of the annexation of the Caucasus to Russia.

Social thought and social movement in Russia in the second quarter of the 19th century.

Formation of government ideology. The theory of official nationality. Mugs from the late 20s - early 30s of the 19th century.

N.V. Stankevich’s circle and German idealistic philosophy. A.I. Herzen’s circle and utopian socialism. "Philosophical Letter" by P.Ya.Chaadaev. Westerners. Moderate. Radicals. Slavophiles. M.V. Butashevich-Petrashevsky and his circle. The theory of "Russian socialism" by A.I. Herzen.

Socio-economic and political prerequisites for bourgeois reforms of the 60-70s of the 19th century.

Peasant reform. Preparation of reform. "Regulation" February 19, 1861 Personal liberation of the peasants. Allotments. Ransom. Duties of peasants. Temporary condition.

Zemstvo, judicial, urban reforms. Financial reforms. Reforms in the field of education. Censorship rules. Military reforms. The meaning of bourgeois reforms.

Socio-economic development of Russia in the second half of the 19th century. Social structure of the population.

Industrial development. Industrial revolution: essence, prerequisites, chronology. The main stages of the development of capitalism in industry.

The development of capitalism in agriculture. Rural community in post-reform Russia. Agrarian crisis of the 80-90s of the XIX century.

Social movement in Russia in the 50-60s of the 19th century.

Social movement in Russia in the 70-90s of the 19th century.

Revolutionary populist movement of the 70s - early 80s of the 19th century.

"Land and Freedom" of the 70s of the XIX century. "People's Will" and "Black Redistribution". Assassination of Alexander II on March 1, 1881. The collapse of Narodnaya Volya.

Labor movement in the second half of the 19th century. Strike struggle. The first workers' organizations. A work issue arises. Factory legislation.

Liberal populism of the 80-90s of the 19th century. Spread of the ideas of Marxism in Russia. Group "Emancipation of Labor" (1883-1903). The emergence of Russian social democracy. Marxist circles of the 80s of the XIX century.

St. Petersburg "Union of Struggle for the Liberation of the Working Class." V.I. Ulyanov. "Legal Marxism".

Political reaction of the 80-90s of the XIX century. The era of counter-reforms.

Alexander III. Manifesto on the “inviolability” of autocracy (1881). The policy of counter-reforms. Results and significance of counter-reforms.

International position of Russia after the Crimean War. Changing the country's foreign policy program. The main directions and stages of Russian foreign policy in the second half of the 19th century.

Russia in the system of international relations after the Franco-Prussian war. Union of Three Emperors.

Russia and the Eastern crisis of the 70s of the XIX century. The goals of Russia's policy in the eastern question. Russian-Turkish War of 1877-1878: causes, plans and forces of the parties, course of military operations. Treaty of San Stefano. Berlin Congress and its decisions. The role of Russia in the liberation of the Balkan peoples from the Ottoman yoke.

Foreign policy of Russia in the 80-90s of the XIX century. Formation of the Triple Alliance (1882). Deterioration of Russia's relations with Germany and Austria-Hungary. Conclusion of the Russian-French alliance (1891-1894).

• Buganov V.I., Zyryanov P.N. History of Russia: the end of the 17th - 19th centuries. . - M.: Education, 1996.

“Hang for such atrocities,” ended the verdict of the Supreme Court, which was read by the police chief on the night of July 25, 1826, in one of the fortifications of the Peter and Paul Fortress. A few minutes later, five ideologists and participants in the Decembrist uprising were executed - some not even on the first attempt: Pestel, Ryleev, Muravyov-Apostol, Bestuzhev-Ryumin and Kakhovsky.

Ryleev, like his comrade Kakhovsky, left military service to fully devote himself to literature - the first examples of so-called “civil poetry” belong to his pen. In addition to poetic tasks, he also had to fulfill the duties of an official in various government departments: for example, Ryleev served in the chamber of the criminal court and the office of the Russian-American Trading Company.

Several years before the uprising, Ryleev headed the Northern Society of Decembrists. He, as it turned out later, was one of the main organizers of the riot, since he “participated in all plans for outrage and gave instructions on how to excite the lower ranks and act in the square.”

It is no coincidence that during interrogations Ryleev took all the blame on himself - he tried to justify his comrades and relieve them of at least part of the responsibility. In the prison fortress, the poet scrawled his last quatrain on the wall: “Prison is an honor to me, not a reproach / I am in it for a just cause, / And should I be ashamed of these chains, / When I wear them for the Fatherland!”

“Father, pray for our sinful souls, don’t forget my wife and bless your daughter,” these were Ryleev’s last words. However, according to one version, having fallen from the rope due to an error by the executioner and falling inside the scaffold, Ryleev managed to add: “An unfortunate country where they don’t even know how to hang you.”

On the eve of the Decembrist uprising, Kakhovsky, who had retired from service and was left without friends and connections, succumbed to radical ideas for those times: he traveled around Europe, inspired by the revolutionary ones in Spain, Portugal and Spain, and did not let go of books about the formation of democracy in Ancient Greece.

Having become a staunch republican, Kakhovsky became friends with Kondraty Ryleev, through whom he got into the Northern Society of Decembrists. Kakhovsky faced a difficult choice: to participate in political activities in Russia or to leave to fight for the independence of Greece. Still, the former lieutenant remained in his homeland and began, together with his comrades, to hatch plans to overthrow the autocracy. Kakhovsky, by the way, although he was considered radical at that time, he did not try on the role of a regicide - when he was offered to get into the Winter Palace and kill Nicholas I, he did not hesitate, but still refused.

On December 26, the day of the uprising, Kakhovsky went around the barracks and agitated the soldiers to join the rebellion. Already on Senate Square, Kakhovsky wounded - as it turned out later, mortally - the Governor-General of St. Petersburg Miloradovich, who was trying to persuade the rebels to disperse. As a result, the court named him one of the main criminals: the quartering was replaced by hanging, but due to the inexperience of the executioner it had to be carried out several times - Kakhovsky fell from the noose.

During the Decembrist uprising on Senate Square, Bestuzhev-Ryumin was still listed as a second lieutenant, which allowed him to conduct widespread agitation among the troops. Bestuzhev-Ryumin also took an active part in the compilation of the revolutionary “Catechism”, which was read to the rebel soldiers.

The military man, according to the memoirs of his contemporaries, was convinced that the revolution in Russia would take place without a single drop of blood, similar to the Spanish one, since it would be carried out by the army without the participation of the people. Perhaps that is why, having met government troops during the uprising of the Chernigov regiment, Bestuzhev-Ryumin did not use weapons, but simply allowed himself to be arrested, relying on the mercy of the authorities.

After his execution, he, as well as the other four hanged men, were presumably buried on Goloday Island, which is now called Decembrist Island.

Like many other Decembrists, Ant-Apostol was a member of the Masonic lodge. Perhaps from there he developed a love for secret societies, which he subsequently joined. Muravyov-Apostol was among the co-founders of the Union of Prosperity and the Union of Salvation, and was also responsible for establishing connections with foreign secret societies.

Among the Decembrists, Muravyov-Apostol was one of the most radical: he carried out active propaganda work in the ranks of the army (where, by the way, like everyone else, he had previously served) and even agreed to personally kill the tsar, but it was never possible to develop a plan.

Muravyov-Apostol did not participate in the general performance on Senate Square, but after that he headed the Chernigov regiment in the Kyiv province. He was executed along with four other comrades; Muravyov-Apostol became one of those who had to be put on the scaffold again.

Of all the Decembrists, Pestel was perhaps one of the most honored military men: the discipline in his regiments was praised by Emperor Alexander I himself. Pestel participated in countless battles, in the Patriotic War of 1812 he was even wounded, which, however, did not prevent him from speaking out against the existing state system.

One of the founders of the “Union of Welfare” and the Southern Secret Society, Pestel even compiled “Russian Truth” - this is a constitutional project, the main expression of the ideas of the secret society, written in a clearly republican spirit. Actually, for the most part, Pestel paid for it. The charges of the investigative commission against Pestel were built precisely around this document. History also includes the last words of Pestel, spoken before his execution: “What you sow must come back and will certainly come back later.”