How did Hitler fight in World War I? Bravely and skillfully! “The Good Soldier”: how Hitler fought in the First World War.

So often I was sad about my, as it seemed to me, late appearance on earth and saw an undeserved blow of fate in the fact that I would have to live my whole life among “silence and order.” As you can see, from a young age I was no longer a “pacifist,” and all attempts to educate me in the spirit of pacifism were in vain.

The Boer War flashed hope to me like lightning.

From morning to evening I devoured newspapers, following all the telegrams and reports, and I was happy just because I was able to follow this heroic struggle at least from afar.

The Russo-Japanese War found me a more mature person. I followed these events even more closely. In this war, I took a certain side and, moreover, for national reasons. In discussions related to the Russo-Japanese War, I immediately took the side of the Japanese. In the defeat of Russia, I also began to see the defeat of the Austrian Slavs.

Many years later. What had once seemed to me like putrefactive agony was now beginning to seem to me like the calm before the storm. Already during my stay in Vienna, a suffocating atmosphere prevailed in the Balkans, which predicted a thunderstorm. More than once, individual lightning flashes appeared and flared up there, which, however, quickly disappeared, again giving way to impenetrable darkness. But then the first Balkan war broke out and with it the first gusts of wind reached a nervous Europe. The period of time immediately following the first Balkan war was extremely painful. Everyone had a feeling of an approaching catastrophe; the whole earth seemed to be hot and thirsty for the first drop of rain. People were full of melancholy expectation and said to themselves: let the sky finally take pity, let fate quickly send those events that are inevitable anyway. And finally, the first bright lightning illuminated the earth. A thunderstorm began, and the mighty peals of thunder mixed with the roar of cannons on the fields of the world war.

When the first news of the murder of Archduke Franz Ferdinand came to Munich (I was sitting at home and through the window I heard the first insufficiently accurate information about this murder), I was at first gripped by anxiety whether he had been killed by German students, who were indignant at the heir's systematic work on Slavicization of the Austrian state. From my point of view, it would not be surprising that German students would want to free the German people from this internal enemy. It is easy to imagine what the consequences would have been if the assassination of the Archduke had been of this nature. As a result, we would have a whole wave of persecution, which would of course be recognized as “justified” and “fair” by the whole world. But when I learned the name of the alleged murderer, when I was told that the murderer was undoubtedly a Serb, I was seized with a quiet horror at the way inscrutable fate had taken revenge on the Archduke.

One of the most prominent friends of the Slavs fell victim at the hands of Slavic fanatics.

Anyone who has closely followed the relationship between Austria and Serbia in recent years could no longer doubt for a minute that events would develop uncontrollably.

Now the Viennese government is often showered with reproaches for the ultimatum it sent to Serbia. But these reproaches are completely unfair. Any government in the world in a similar situation would do the same. On its eastern border, Austria had an inexorable enemy who made provocations more and more often and who could not calm down until a favorable situation led to the defeat of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy. In Austria there was every reason to assume that the blow against it would be delayed at most until the death of the old emperor; but there was also reason to assume that by this moment the monarchy would generally have lost the ability to offer any serious resistance. During recent years, this monarchy was personified to such an extent by the decrepit Franz Joseph that in the eyes of the broad masses the death of this emperor inevitably had to be presented as the death of the most moribund Austrian state. One of the most cunning tricks of Slavic policy was that it deliberately sowed the idea that the “prosperity” of Austria was entirely due to the wisdom of its monarch. The Viennese court circles fell into the bait of this flattery all the more easily because this assessment did not at all correspond to the actual merits of Franz Joseph. The Viennese court did not understand at all that mockery was hidden in this flattery. At court they did not understand, and perhaps did not want to understand, that the more the fate of the monarchy is connected with the state mind of this, as they put it then, “the wisest of monarchs,” the more catastrophic the position of the monarchy will become when one fine day merciless death knocks on the door. Franz Josef door.

Was it even possible then to imagine Austria without this old emperor?

Will the tragedy that once befell Maria Theresa then immediately repeat itself?

No, the reproaches directed against the Viennese government for the fact that in 1914 it went to war, which, as others think, could have been avoided, are completely unfair. No, war could no longer be avoided; it could be delayed for a maximum of one or two years. But this was the curse of German and Austrian diplomacy, that it still tried to delay the inevitable clash and was finally forced to take the fight at the most unfavorable moment. There is no doubt that if the war had been delayed for another short period, then Germany and Austria would have had to fight at an even more unfavorable moment.

No, the fact is that whoever did not want this war should have had the courage to draw the necessary conclusions. And these conclusions could only consist of sacrificing Austria. War would have come in this case, but it would not have been a war of all against Germany alone. But in this case, the division of Austria would be inevitable. Germany would then have a choice: either take part in the division, or return from the division empty-handed.

Those who now grumble and scold the most about the situation in which the war began, those who are now so wise in hindsight - it was they who in the summer of 1914 pushed Germany most into this fatal war.

For many decades, German Social Democracy carried out the most vile persecution of Russia. On the other hand, the center party, based on religious motives, contributed most of all to making Austria the starting point of German politics. Now we have to pay for the consequences of this madness. We reap what we sow. It was impossible to avoid what happened under any circumstances. The fault of the German government was that, in the pursuit of maintaining peace, it missed the most favorable moment for the outbreak of war. The fault of the German government is that, in pursuit of peace, it adopted the policy of alliance with Austria, became bogged down in this policy and, in the end, became the victim of a coalition that opposed its determination towards war to our chimerical dream of preserving peace.

If the Viennese government had then given its ultimatum a different, milder form, it still would not have changed anything. The most that could happen is that the indignation of the people would immediately sweep away the Viennese government itself. For in the eyes of the broad masses of the people, the tone of the Vienna ultimatum was still too soft, and not at all too harsh. Anyone who still tries to deny this today is either a forgetful idle talker or simply a conscious liar.

God have mercy, isn’t it clear that the war of 1914 was by no means imposed on the masses, that the masses, on the contrary, longed for this fight!

The masses finally wanted some kind of resolution. Only this mood explains the fact that two million people - adults and youth - hastened to voluntarily appear under the banner in full readiness to give their last drop of blood to defend their homeland.

I myself experienced an extraordinary uplift these days. The difficult moods are gone. I am not at all ashamed to admit that, carried away by a wave of powerful enthusiasm, I fell to my knees and from the depths of my heart thanked the Lord God for giving me the happiness of living at such a time.

A struggle for freedom began of such strength and scope that the world had never known before. As soon as the events that began took the course that they inevitably had to take, it became clear to the broadest masses that it was no longer about Serbia or even Austria, that the fate of the German nation itself was now being decided.

After many years, the eyes of the people have now been opened for the last time to their own future. The mood was extremely high, but at the same time serious. The people realized that their fate was being decided. That is why the national upsurge was deep and lasting. This seriousness of mood was quite consistent with the circumstances, although at the first moment no one had any idea how incredibly long the beginning war would last. The dream was very common that by winter we would finish the job and return to peaceful work with renewed vigor.

What you want, you believe. The vast majority of people have long been tired of the state of eternal anxiety. This explains the fact that no one wanted to believe in the possibility of a peaceful solution to the Austro-Serbian conflict, and everyone around hoped that war would finally break out. My personal mood was the same.

As soon as I heard in Munich about the assassination attempt on the Austrian Archduke, two thoughts pierced my mind: firstly, that war had now become inevitable, and secondly, that under the circumstances the Habsburg state would be forced to remain loyal to Germany. My greatest fear in former times was that Germany would be plunged into war in the final analysis because of Austria, and yet Austria would remain on the sidelines. It could have happened that the conflict would not have started directly because of Austria, and then the Habsburg government, for reasons of internal politics, would certainly have tried to hide in the bushes. And even if the government itself decided to remain loyal to Germany, the Slavic majority of the state would still sabotage this decision; it would rather smash the entire state into pieces than allow the Habsburgs to remain loyal to Germany. In July 1914, events fortunately developed in such a way that such a danger was eliminated. Willy-nilly, the old Austrian state had to get involved in the war.

My own position was quite clear. From my point of view, the struggle did not begin over whether Austria would receive this or that satisfaction from Serbia. In my opinion, the war was fought because of the very existence of Germany. It was a question of whether or not to be a German nation; it was about our freedom and our future. The state created by Bismarck now had to draw its sword. Young Germany had to prove anew that it was worthy of those conquests that were bought in the heroic struggle of our fathers in the era of the battles of Weissenburg, Sedan and Paris. If in the coming battles our people rise to the occasion, then Germany will finally occupy the most prominent place among the great powers. Then and only then will Germany become an indestructible stronghold of peace, and our children will not have to be malnourished because of the phantom of “eternal peace.”

How many times in my youth did I dream that the time would finally come when I could prove by deeds that my devotion to national ideals was not an empty phrase. It often seemed to me almost a sin that I shouted “Hurray”, without, perhaps, having the internal right to do so. In my opinion, only those who have at least once experienced themselves at the front, where no one has time for jokes anymore, and where the inexorable hand of fate carefully weighs the sincerity of each individual person and entire nations, have the moral right to shout “Hurray.” My heart was filled with proud joy that now, finally, I would be able to test myself. How many times have I sung in a loud voice “Deutschland uber alee”, so many times from the depths of my heart I have shouted “Long live!” and “hurray!” Now I considered it my direct responsibility to the Almighty and to people to prove in practice that I was sincere to the end. I had long ago decided for myself that as soon as the war came (and that it would come, I was absolutely sure of that), I would put the books aside. I knew that with the beginning of the war my place would be where my inner voice would tell me.

I left Austria primarily for political reasons. The same political considerations required that now that the war had begun, I should take my place at the front. I did not go to the front to fight for the Habsburg state, but at any moment I was ready to give my life for my people and for the state that personifies their destinies.

On August 3, 1914, I submitted an application to His Majesty King Ludwig III with a request to accept me as a volunteer in one of the Bavarian regiments. His Majesty's office certainly had a lot of trouble these days; I was all the more delighted when the very next day I received an answer to my petition. I remember, with trembling hands, I opened the envelope and with trepidation read the resolution to satisfy my request. There were no limits to the delight and feeling of gratitude. A few days later I put on a uniform, which I then had to wear for almost 6 years in a row.

Now for me, as for every German, the greatest and unforgettable era of earthly existence has begun. The entire past receded into the tenth plane compared to the events of these unprecedented battles. Now, as we mark the first tenth anniversary of these great events, I remember these days with great sorrow, but also with great pride. I am happy and proud that fate was merciful to me, that I was given the opportunity to participate in the great heroic struggle of my people.

I vividly remember, as if it were only yesterday, how I first appeared among my dear comrades in military uniform, then how our detachment marched for the first time, then our military exercises and, finally, the day we were sent to the front.

Like many others, at that time I was oppressed by only one painful thought: will we be late? This thought really haunted me. Reveling in every news of a new victory of German arms, I at the same time secretly suffered from the thought that I personally would be too late to report to the front. Indeed, with each new news of victory, the danger of being late became more real.

Finally the longed-for day arrived when we left Munich to go where duty called us. For the last time I looked at the banks of the Rhine and said goodbye to our great river, which all the sons of our people were now defending. No, we will not allow the ancient enemy to desecrate the waters of this river? The morning fog cleared, the sun came out and illuminated the surroundings, and then the great old song “Wacht am Rhein” burst out from everyone’s hearts. Every single person on our long endless train sang. My heart was fluttering like a caught bird.

Then I remember a damp, cold night in Flanders. We walk in silence. As soon as dawn begins, we hear the first iron “greeting”. A shell bursts with a crash above our heads; fragments fall very close and explode the wet ground. Before the cloud from the shell had time to dissipate, the first loud “hurray” was heard from two hundred throats, serving as an answer to the first messenger of death. Then a continuous crash and roar, noise and howl begins around us, and we all feverishly rush forward to meet the enemy and after a short time we converge on the potato field chest to chest with the enemy. Behind us, a song is heard from afar, then it is heard closer and closer. The melody jumps from one company to another. And at the moment when it seems that death is very close to us, the native song reaches us, we also turn on and loudly, victoriously rushes: “Deutschland, Deutschland uber ales.”

Four days later we returned to our original position. Now even our gait has become different, 16-year-old boys have turned into adults.

The volunteers of our regiment may not have yet learned how to fight properly, but they already knew how to die, like real old soldiers.

That was the beginning.

Then it went on month after month and year after year. The horrors of everyday battles replaced the romance of the early days. The first delights gradually cooled down. The joyful uplift was replaced by a feeling of fear of death. The time had come when everyone had to hesitate between the dictates of duty and the instinct of self-preservation. I also had to go through these moods. Always, when death wandered very close, something began to protest in me. This “something” tried to convince the weak body that the “mind” required him to give up the fight. In fact, it was not intelligence, but, alas, it was only cowardice. It was she who, under various pretexts, embarrassed each of us. Sometimes the hesitations were extremely painful, and only with difficulty did they overcome the last remnants of conscience. The louder the voice became, calling for caution, the more seductively it whispered thoughts of rest and peace into the ears, the more decisively I had to fight with myself, then finally the voice of duty prevailed. In the winter of 1915/16, I personally managed to finally overcome these sentiments within myself. The will has won. In the first days I went into the attack in an enthusiastic mood, with jokes and laughter. Now I went into battle with calm determination. But it was precisely this last mood that could only be lasting. Now I was able to meet the most severe trials of fate, without fear that my head or nerves would refuse to serve.

The young volunteer turned into an old seasoned soldier.

This change occurred not in me alone, but in the entire army. She emerged from the eternal battles matured and stronger. Those who were unable to withstand these tests were broken by the events.

Only now could it be truly possible to judge the qualities of our army; only now, after two, three years, during which the army went from one battle to another, all the time fighting against superior enemy forces, enduring hunger and all kinds of hardships, only now did we see what the priceless qualities of this one-of-a-kind army were.

Centuries and millennia will pass and humanity, remembering the greatest examples of heroism, will still not be able to ignore the heroism of the German armies in the world war. The further these times go into the past, the brighter the images of our immortal warriors shine for us, showing examples of fearlessness. As long as the Germans live on our land, they will remember with pride that these fighters were the sons of our people.

At that time I was a soldier and did not want to get involved in politics. Yes, this was not a time for politics. Even now I am convinced that the last unskilled worker in those days brought much greater benefit to the state and fatherland than any, say, “parliamentarian.” I have never hated these talkers more than during the war, when every decent person who had something in his soul went to the front and fought with the enemy and, in any case, did not engage in oratory in the rear. I simply hated all these “politicians” and, if it were up to me, we would put shovels in their hands and form them into a “parliamentary” battalion of unskilled workers; let them then debate among themselves as much as their heart desires - at least they would not cause harm and would not outrage honest people.

So at that time I didn’t want to hear about politics; however, it was still necessary to speak out about certain topical issues, since it was about problems that interested the entire nation and were especially closely related to us soldiers.

At that time, two things internally upset me.

One part of the press, immediately after our first victories, began gradually and, perhaps, even imperceptibly for many, to pour a little bitterness into the general cup of popular upsurge. This was done under the guise of a certain goodwill and even a certain concern. This press began to express its doubts that our people, you see, are celebrating their first victories too noisily.

And what? Instead of taking these gentlemen by their long ears and shutting their throats so that they would not dare to offend the struggling people, instead they began to widely talk about the fact that indeed our enthusiasm is “excessive”, makes an inappropriate impression, etc.

People did not understand at all that if enthusiasm now wavered, it would not be possible to evoke it again at will. On the contrary, the rapture of victory had to be maintained with all our might. Was it really possible to win a war that required the greatest effort of all the spiritual forces of the nation if there were no power of enthusiasm?

I knew the psyche of the broad masses too well not to understand how inappropriate all so-called “aesthetic” considerations were here. From my point of view, you would have to be crazy not to do everything possible to further inflame passions - to the boiling point. But that people wanted to further reduce their enthusiasm, I simply could not understand.

Secondly, I was extremely upset by the position that we took at that time in relation to Marxism. From my point of view, this proved that people do not have the slightest idea of ​​​​the destructive effect of this plague. We seemed to seriously believe that the statement “we have no more parties” actually had some influence on Marxists.

We did not understand that in this case it was not a question of a party at all, but of a doctrine entirely aimed at the destruction of all humanity. Why, we haven’t heard this “we” in our over-Jewish universities. But it is known that many of our high-ranking officials are very little interested in books, and what they did not hear at the university does not exist for them at all. The biggest revolutions in science go completely unnoticed by these “heads”, which, by the way, explains the fact that most of our government institutions often lag behind private enterprises. Some exceptions here only confirm the rule.

In the days of August 1914, to identify the German worker with Marxism was an unheard-of absurdity. In the August days, the German worker had just escaped the clutches of this plague. Otherwise, he would have been generally unable to take part in the general struggle. And what? It was precisely at this time that “we” were stupid enough to believe that Marxism had now become a “national” movement. This profound consideration is only proven once again by the fact that our high rulers never took the trouble to become seriously acquainted with Marxist teaching, otherwise such an absurd thought could not have occurred to them.

In the July days of 1914, the Marxist gentlemen, who set themselves the goal of the destruction of all non-Jewish national states, became convinced with horror that the German workers, whom they had hitherto held in their clutches, had now seen the light and were every day more and more decisively going over to the side of his fatherland. Within just a few days, the spell of Social Democracy melted away, the vile deception of the people was dispelled into dust. A gang of Jewish leaders remained lonely and abandoned, as if not a small trace remained of their 60-year-old anti-people agitation. It was a difficult moment for the deceivers. But as soon as these leaders realized the danger that threatened them, they immediately put on a new mask of lies and began to pretend that they sympathized with the national upsurge.

It would seem that this is where the moment has come - to decisively put pressure on this entire lying company of poisoners of the people's consciousness. It was then that it was necessary to deal with them without further words, without paying the slightest attention to the crying and lamentations. The bogeyman of international solidarity in August 1914 completely disappeared from the minds of the German working class. Just a few weeks later, American shrapnel began to send such impressive “brotherly greetings” to our workers that the last vestiges of internationalism began to evaporate. Now that the German worker had again returned to the national path, the government, which correctly understood its tasks, was obliged to mercilessly exterminate those who incite the workers against the nation.

If at the front we could sacrifice our best sons, then it was not at all a sin to put an end to these insects in the rear.

Instead of all this, His Majesty Emperor Wilhelm personally extended his hand to these criminals and thereby gave this gang of insidious murderers the opportunity to take a breath and wait for “better” days.

The snake could continue its evil work. Now she acted, of course, much more carefully, but that is why she became even more dangerous. Honest simpletons dreamed of civil peace, and meanwhile these insidious criminals were preparing a civil war.

At that time I was extremely concerned that the authorities had taken such a terrible half-hearted position; but that the consequences of this would, in turn, be even more terrible, I could not do that then

It was clear as day what needed to be done then. It was necessary to immediately lock up all the leaders of this movement. It was necessary to immediately condemn them and free the nation from them. It was necessary to immediately use military force in the most decisive manner and exterminate this plague once and for all. The parties had to be dissolved, the Reichstag had to be called to order with the help of bayonets, and it was best to completely abolish it immediately. If the republic now considers itself the right to dissolve entire parties, then during the war this could have been resorted to with much greater justification. After all, then for our people the question was at stake - to be or not to be!

Of course, then the following question would immediately arise: is it even possible to fight with a sword against certain ideas. Is it even possible to use brute force against one or another “worldview?”

I asked myself this question more than once at that time.

Thinking through this question on the basis of historical analogies associated with the persecution of religions, I came to the following conclusions.

Defeating certain ideas and ideas by force of arms (no matter how true or false these ideas are) is only possible if the weapons themselves are in the hands of people who also represent an attractive idea and are bearers of an entire worldview.

The use of one naked force, unless there is some great idea behind it, will never lead to the destruction of another idea and will not deprive it of the opportunity to spread. There is only one exception to this rule: if it comes to the complete destruction of every single bearer of this idea, to the complete physical extermination of those who could continue the tradition further. But this, in turn, for the most part means the complete disappearance of the entire state organism for a very long period, sometimes forever. Such bloody extermination mostly falls on the best part of the people, because persecution, which does not have a big idea behind it, will cause protest from precisely the best part of the sons of the people. Those persecutions that, in the eyes of the best part of the people, are morally unjustified, lead precisely to the fact that the persecuted ideas become the property of new segments of the population. The feeling of opposition among many is caused by the mere fact that they cannot calmly see how a certain idea is persecuted through naked violence.

In these cases, the number of supporters of a given idea grows in direct proportion to the persecution that falls on it. In order to destroy such a new teaching without a trace, it is sometimes necessary to carry out such merciless persecution that a given state risks losing its most valuable people. This state of affairs avenges itself in that such “internal” cleansing turns out to be achievable only at the cost of complete weakening of society. And if the persecuted idea has already managed to capture a more or less extensive circle of supporters, then even such the most merciless persecution will ultimately prove useless.

We all know that children are especially susceptible to danger. At this age, physical death is very common. As you mature, the body's resistance becomes stronger. And only with the onset of old age should he again give way to a new young life. The same can be said, with certain modifications, about the life of ideas.

Almost all attempts to destroy this or that teaching with the help of naked violence without a specific ideological basis that would stand behind the violence ended in failure and often led to directly opposite results.

But the primary prerequisite for the success of a campaign conducted by force is, in any case, systematicity and perseverance. It is possible to defeat this or that teaching by force only if this force is first of all applied over a long period of time with equal persistence. But as soon as hesitation begins, as soon as persecution begins to alternate with gentleness and vice versa, we can say for sure that the teaching that is subject to destruction will not only recover from persecution, but will even grow stronger as a result of it. As soon as the wave of persecution subsides, new indignation will rise over the suffering suffered, and this will only recruit new supporters into the ranks of the persecuted doctrine. His old supporters will become even more steeled in their hatred of the persecutors, the breakaway supporters, after eliminating the danger of persecution, will return to their old sympathies, etc. The main prerequisite for the success of persecution is thus their continuous, persistent application. But persistence in this area can only be the result of ideological conviction. That violence which does not spring from a firm ideological conviction will certainly be unsure of itself and will experience hesitation. Such violence will never have enough constancy and stability. Only the worldview in which people fanatically believe gives such constancy. Such persistence depends, of course, on the energy and brutal determination of the person in charge of the operation. The outcome of the matter therefore to a certain extent also depends on the personal qualities of the leader.

In addition, the following must be kept in mind.

About each worldview (whether it is of religious or political origin - it is sometimes difficult to draw a line here) we can say that it fights not so much to destroy the ideological base of the enemy, but rather to carry out its own ideas. But thanks to this, the struggle takes on an offensive rather than a defensive character. The goal of the struggle is easily established here: this goal will be achieved when one’s own idea wins. It is much more difficult to say that the enemy’s idea has already been completely defeated and victory over it is finally guaranteed. Establishing the moment when exactly this last goal can be considered achieved is always very difficult. For this reason alone, the offensive struggle for one’s own worldview will always be waged more systematically and on a larger scale than a defensive struggle. In this area, as in all areas, offensive tactics have all the advantages over defensive ones. But a violent struggle waged against certain ideas will certainly have the character of a defensive struggle only until the sword itself becomes the bearer, herald and propagandist of a new ideological teaching.

As a result, we can say this:

Any attempt to overcome a certain idea by force of arms will fail, unless the struggle against the said idea itself takes the form of an offensive struggle for a new worldview. Only in this case, if another worldview is fully ideologically opposed to one worldview, will violence play a decisive role and benefit the side that is able to apply it with maximum ruthlessness and duration.

But this is precisely what has been missing so far in the struggle that was waged against Marxism. That is why this struggle did not lead to success.

This also explains the fact that Bismarck’s exceptional law against the socialists ultimately did not lead to the goal and could not lead to it. Bismarck also lacked the platform of a new worldview, for the triumph of which the entire struggle could be waged. This role could not be played by more than liquid slogans: “silence and order”, “authority of the state”, etc. Only unprincipled officials and stupid “idealists” would believe that people would go to their death in the name of such, so to speak, slogans.

To successfully carry out the campaign launched by Bismarck, there was not enough ideological support for this entire campaign. That is why Bismarck was forced to make the very implementation of his legislation against the socialists dependent on that institution, which itself was already a product of the Marxist way of thinking. Bismarck was forced to make bourgeois democracy the judge in his dispute with the Marxists, but this meant letting the goat into the garden.

All this logically followed from the fact that in the struggle against Marxism there was no other opposing idea that would have the same attractive force. The result of Bismarck's entire campaign against the socialists was nothing but disappointment.

Well, at the beginning of the World War, was the situation different in this regard? Unfortunately no!

The more I thought at that time about the need for a sharp and decisive struggle by the government against social democracy as the embodiment of modern Marxism, the clearer it became to me that we did not have any ideological replacement for this teaching. What could we then give to the masses in order to break social democracy? We did not have any movement capable of leading the enormous masses of workers who had just, to a greater or lesser extent, freed themselves from the influence of their Marxist leaders. It is absolutely absurd and more than stupid to think that an international fanatic, who has just left the ranks of one class party, will immediately agree to join the ranks of another, also class, but bourgeois party. No matter how unpleasant it may be for various organizations to hear, we have to say that our bourgeois politicians also fully defend the class character of organizations - only not of others, but of their own. Whoever dares to deny this fact is not only insolent, but also a stupid liar.

Beware in general of considering the broad masses more stupid than they really are. In political matters, correct instinct often means more than reason. It may be objected to us that the internationalist sentiments of the masses prove the exact opposite and refute our opinion about the true instincts of the people. To this we will object that democratic pacifism is no less absurd, and yet the bearers of this “teaching” are usually representatives of the propertied classes. As long as millions of bourgeois continue to read and pray for democratic newspapers every morning, it is not becoming for representatives of our propertied classes to laugh at the stupidity of their “comrades.” In the end, both the workers and these bourgeois have more or less the same ideological “food” - both of them feed on crap.

It is very harmful to deny the facts that exist. It is impossible to deny the fact that in the class struggle it is not just about ideological problems. This is often stated, especially in the election campaign, but it nevertheless has nothing to do with the truth. The class prejudices of one part of our people, the top-down attitude towards the manual worker - all these, unfortunately, are real facts, and not at all the fantasies of lunatics.

Unfortunately, our intelligentsia does not even think about how it happened that we were unable to avoid the consolidation of Marxism. She thinks even less about the fact that since our wonderful order failed to prevent Marxism from strengthening, it will not be so easy to make up for what was lost and uproot it. All this does not speak in favor of the great thinking abilities of our intelligentsia.

Bourgeois (as they call themselves) parties will never be able to simply win over the “proletarian” masses into their camp. For here two worlds confront each other, partly separated artificially, and partly naturally. The relationship between these two worlds can only be a relationship of struggle. Victory in this struggle would inevitably go to the younger party, that is, in this case, Marxism.

It was, of course, possible to begin the struggle against Social Democracy in 1914; but until a serious ideological replacement for this movement was actually found, this struggle could not have solid ground and was not able to give good results. Here we had a huge gap.

I formed this opinion long before the war. And that is why I could not decide to join any of the already existing parties. The events of the World War further strengthened my opinion that there is no way to truly carry out a struggle against Social Democracy until we can oppose it with a movement that would represent something more than an ordinary “parliamentary” party.

Among my close comrades, I have spoken out in this sense more than once.

It was in connection with this that my first thought arose to someday get involved in politics.

This gave me a reason to talk more than once in small circles of friends that after the end of the war I would try to become a speaker, maintaining my old profession.

I thought about this all the time and, as it turned out, not in vain.

CHAPTER VI
WAR PROPAGANDA

Having begun to delve deeper into all political issues, I could not help but stop my attention on the problems of military propaganda. In propaganda in general, I saw a tool that Marxist-socialist organizations use masterfully. I have long been convinced that the correct use of these weapons is a real art and that the bourgeois parties are almost completely incapable of using these weapons. Only the Christian Social Movement, especially in the era of Lueger, was still able to use the means of propaganda with some virtuosity, which ensured some of its successes.

But it was only during the World War that it became quite clear what gigantic results could be achieved by properly directed propaganda. Unfortunately, here too it was necessary to study the matter using examples of the activities of the other side, because Germany’s work in this area was more than modest. We almost completely lacked any kind of educational work. This immediately caught the eye of every soldier. For me, this was just another reason to think more deeply about propaganda issues.

There was often more than enough leisure for reflection. The enemy gave us practical lessons at every step.

The enemy exploited this weakness of ours with unheard-of dexterity and truly brilliant calculation. I learned an infinite amount from these examples of enemy military propaganda. Those who were supposed to be in charge of this least of all thought about the excellent work of the enemy. On the one hand, our superiors considered themselves too smart to learn anything from others, and on the other hand, they simply lacked good will.

Did we have any propaganda at all?

Unfortunately, I have to answer this question in the negative. Everything that was undertaken in this direction was so wrong and useless from the very beginning that it could not bring any benefit, and often brought direct harm.

Our “propaganda” was unsuitable in form and in essence was completely at odds with the psychology of the soldier. The more we looked at the production of propaganda in our country, the more we became convinced of this.

What is propaganda - a goal or a means? Already in this first simple question our superiors did not understand at all.

In fact, propaganda is a means and therefore should be considered only from the point of view of the end. That is why the form of propaganda must follow from the goal, serve it, and be determined by it. It is also clear that, depending on general needs, the goal can change and propaganda must also change accordingly. The goal that stood before us in the world war, for the achievement of which we waged an inhuman struggle, was the noblest goal that has ever stood before people. We fought for the freedom and independence of our people, for a secure piece of bread, for our future, for the honor of the nation. Contrary to statements to the contrary, the honor of a nation is something that really exists. Peoples who do not want to defend their honor will sooner or later lose their freedom and independence, which, in the end, will only be fair, because worthless generations, deprived of honor, do not deserve to enjoy the benefits of freedom. He who wants to remain a cowardly slave cannot have honor, because because of it he will inevitably have to come into conflict with one or another hostile force.

Participation in the First World War instilled in Hitler that craving for military organization, which later, after the defeat of Germany, he restored in unofficial armed structures. In the photograph, Hitler participates in the ceremony of consecrating the standards of the party paramilitary organizations (in this case, the NSKK).

The German people were engaged in a struggle for human existence, and the purpose of our war propaganda should have been to support this struggle and promote our victory.

When the peoples on our planet are fighting for their existence, when their destinies are being decided in the battles of nations, then all considerations about humanity, aesthetics, etc., of course, disappear. After all, all these concepts were not taken out of thin air, but stem from a person’s imagination and are associated with his ideas. When a person parts with this world, the above-mentioned concepts also disappear, for they are not generated by nature itself, but only by man. The bearers of these concepts are only a few peoples or, better said, a few races. Concepts such as humanity or aesthetics will disappear if those races that are the creators and bearers of them disappear.

That is why, since one or another people is forced to enter into a direct struggle for its very existence in this world, all such concepts immediately acquire only a subordinate meaning. Since these concepts run counter to the instinct of self-preservation of the people, who now have to wage such a bloody struggle, they should no longer play any decisive role in determining the forms of the struggle.

Moltke already said regarding humanity that during war the most humane thing is to deal with the enemy as quickly as possible. The more mercilessly we fight, the sooner the war will end. The faster we deal with the enemy, the less suffering he suffers. This is the only form of humanity available in times of war.

When in such things they begin to chatter about aesthetics, etc., then we have to answer only this way: since questions about the very existence of a people come to the fore, this frees us from any considerations about beauty. The ugliest thing that can happen in human life is the yoke of slavery. Or do our decadents find, perhaps, very “aesthetic” the fate that has befallen our people now? There is no need to argue with the Jewish gentlemen, who in most cases are the inventors of this fiction about aesthetics.

But if these considerations of humanity and beauty cease to play a real role in the struggle of peoples, then it is clear that they can no longer serve as a scale of propaganda.

During the war, propaganda had to be a means to an end. The goal was to fight for the existence of the German people. The criterion of our military propaganda could thus be determined only by the above-mentioned goal. The most brutal form of struggle was humane if it ensured a faster victory. Any form of struggle had to be considered “beautiful” if it only helped the nation win the battle for freedom and its dignity.

In such a life-and-death struggle, this was the only correct criterion for military propaganda.

If at least some clarity in these matters prevailed in the so-called decisive authorities, our propaganda would never be characterized by uncertainty in matters of form. For propaganda is the same weapon of struggle, and in the hands of an expert in this matter, it is the most terrible of weapons.

Another crucial question was this: to whom should propaganda address itself? Towards the educated intelligentsia or the vast mass of poorly educated people.

It was clear to us that propaganda must always appeal only to the masses.

For the intelligentsia, or for those who are now called intellectuals, what is needed is not propaganda, but scientific knowledge. Just as a poster in itself is not art, propaganda in its content is not a science. The entire art of a poster comes down to the ability of its author to attract the attention of the crowd to it with the help of colors and shapes.

At a poster exhibition, the only important thing is that the poster is visual and attracts due attention. The more a poster achieves this goal, the more skillfully it is made. Anyone who wants to study the issues of art itself cannot limit himself to studying only posters; it is not enough for him to simply walk through a poster exhibition. Such a person must be required to engage in a thorough study of art and be able to delve into individual major works of art.

The same can be said to a certain extent regarding propaganda.

The task of propaganda is not to provide a scientific education to a few individuals, but to influence the masses, to make certain important, albeit few, facts, events, and necessities about which the masses had no idea until now, accessible to their understanding. .

The whole art here should consist in making the masses believe: such and such a fact really exists, such and such a necessity is really inevitable, such and such a conclusion is really correct, etc. You must learn to do this simple, but also great thing yourself. in the best, most perfect way. And so, just as in our example with the poster, propaganda should influence more the feeling and only to a very small extent the so-called reason. The point is to focus the attention of the masses on one or more major necessities, and not at all to provide scientific justification for individuals who already have some training.

All propaganda must be accessible to the masses; its level must proceed from the measure of understanding characteristic of the most backward individuals among those on whom it wants to influence. The more people propaganda addresses, the more elementary its ideological level should be. And since we are talking about propaganda during a war in which literally the entire nation is drawn in, it is clear that propaganda should be as simple as possible.

The less so-called scientific ballast in our propaganda, the more it appeals exclusively to the feeling of the crowd, the greater the success will be. And only success can in this case measure the correctness or incorrectness of a given propaganda statement. And in any case, not with how satisfied individual scientists or individual young people who received an “aesthetic” education are with the production of propaganda.

The art of propaganda lies in correctly understanding the sensory world of the broad masses; only this makes it possible to make this or that idea accessible to the masses in a psychologically understandable form. This is the only way to find the way to the hearts of millions. The fact that our overly smart authorities did not even understand this once again speaks of the incredible mental inertia of this layer.

But if you understand what has been said correctly, then the next lesson follows.

It is wrong to give too much versatility to propaganda (which is appropriate, perhaps, when it comes to scientific teaching of a subject).

The receptivity of the masses is very limited, their circle of understanding is narrow, but their forgetfulness is very great. For this reason alone, any propaganda, if it wants to be successful, must be limited to only a few points and present these points briefly, clearly, understandably, in the form of easily remembered slogans, repeating all this until there can no longer be any doubt about it. that even the most retarded of the listeners probably learned what we wanted. As soon as we abandon this principle and try to make our propaganda multifaceted, its influence will immediately begin to dissipate, because the broad masses will not be able to either digest or remember all the material. Thus, the result will be weakened, and perhaps even lost.

Thus, the wider the audience we want to influence, the more carefully we must keep these psychological motives in mind.

For example, it was completely wrong that German and Austrian propaganda in humorous leaflets always tried to present the enemy in a funny way. This was wrong because at the very first meeting with a real enemy, our soldier received a completely different idea of ​​him than was portrayed in the press. The result was enormous harm. Our soldier felt deceived; he stopped believing in everything else about our press. It began to seem to him that the press was deceiving him in everything. Of course, this could not in any way strengthen the will to fight and temper our soldier. On the contrary, our soldier fell into despair.

The war propaganda of the British and Americans, on the contrary, was completely correct from a psychological point of view. The British and Americans portrayed the Germans as barbarians and Huns; by this they prepared their soldier for any horrors of war.

Thanks to this, the English soldier never felt deceived by his press. With us, the situation was just the opposite. Eventually our soldier began to count; that our entire press is “a complete deception.” This was the result of the fact that the work of propaganda was given into the hands of donkeys or simply “capable fellows”, without realizing that the most brilliant experts in human psychology had to be assigned to such work.

A complete misunderstanding of soldier psychology led to German war propaganda becoming a model of what not to do.

Meanwhile, we could learn a lot in this regard from the enemy. It was only necessary to observe without prejudice and with open eyes how for four and a half years, without weakening his efforts for a single minute, the enemy tirelessly hit the same point with enormous success.

But worst of all we understood what is the primary prerequisite for any successful propaganda activity, namely, that all propaganda must in principle be painted in subjective colors. In this regard, our propaganda - and, moreover, on the initiative from above - sinned so much from the very first days of the war that we truly have to ask ourselves: really, were these things explained by stupidity alone!?

What would we say, for example, about a poster that was supposed to advertise one particular type of soap, but which would at the same time convey to the masses the idea that other types of soap are quite good?

At best, we would only shake our heads at such “objectivity.”

The task of propaganda is, for example, not to scrupulously weigh how fair the positions of all parties participating in the war are, but to prove its own exclusive rightness. The task of military propaganda is to continually prove its own rightness, and not at all to seek objective truth and doctrinally present this truth to the masses, even in cases where this turns out to be to the advantage of the enemy.

It was a huge fundamental mistake to pose the question of who was responsible for the war in such a way that it was not Germany alone that was to blame, but also other countries. No, we had to tirelessly propagate the idea that the blame lies entirely and exclusively with our opponents. This had to be done even if it was not true. Meanwhile. Germany was not actually to blame for starting the war.

What happened as a result of this half-heartedness?

After all, millions of people are not made up of diplomats or professional lawyers. The people do not consist of people who are always able to reason sensibly. The masses of the people consist of people who often hesitate, children of nature who are easily inclined to fall into doubt, move from one extreme to another, etc. As soon as we have allowed even a shadow of doubt that we are right, this has already created a whole center of doubts and hesitations . The masses are no longer able to decide where the enemy’s wrongness ends and where our own wrongness begins. In this case, our masses become distrustful, especially when we are dealing with an enemy who, far from repeating such a stupid mistake, but systematically hits one point and, without any hesitation, puts all the responsibility on us. What is it surprising if in the end our own people begin to believe hostile propaganda more than our own? This misfortune becomes all the more bitter when it comes to the people, who are already easily hypnotized by “objectivity.” After all, we Germans are already accustomed to thinking most of all about how not to cause any injustice to the enemy. We are disposed to think this way even in cases where the danger is very great, when it comes directly to the destruction of our people and our state.

There is no need that those at the top did not understand it that way.

The soul of the people is distinguished in many respects by feminine traits. The arguments of sober reason have less effect on her than the arguments of feeling.

People's feelings are not complex, they are very simple and monotonous. There is no room for particularly subtle differentiation here. People say “yes” or “no”; he loves or hates. Truth or lie! Right or wrong! People talk straightforwardly. He has no half-heartedness.

English propaganda understood all this in the most ingenious way, understood it and took it into account. The British truly had no half-heartedness; their propaganda could not sow any doubts.

English propaganda perfectly understood the primitiveness of the feelings of the broad masses. Brilliant evidence of this is the English propaganda regarding the “German horrors.” In this way, the British simply brilliantly created the preconditions for the steadfastness of their troops on the fronts even in the moments of the most severe English defeats. The British achieved equally excellent results for themselves with their tireless propaganda of the idea that the Germans alone were the culprits of the war. In order for this blatant lie to be believed, it was necessary to propagate it in the most one-sided, rude, persistent way. Only in this way could the feelings of the broad masses of the people be influenced, and only in this way could the British ensure that this lie was believed.

How effective this propaganda turned out to be can be seen from the fact that this opinion not only remained in the enemy camp for four whole years, but also penetrated among our own people.

It is not surprising that fate did not promise such success for our propaganda. Already the internal duality of our propaganda contained within it the germ of impotence. The very content of our propaganda made it unlikely from the very beginning that such propaganda would make the proper impression on our masses. Only soulless dummies could imagine that with the help of such pacifist water we could inspire people to die in the fight for our cause.

As a result, such unfortunate “propaganda” turned out to be not only useless, but also downright harmful.

Even if the content of our propaganda were absolutely brilliant, it still could not succeed if the main, central premise is forgotten: all propaganda must necessarily be limited to only a few ideas, but repeat them endlessly. Constancy and perseverance are the main prerequisite for success here, as in many other things in this world.

It is precisely in the field of propaganda that one can least of all listen to aesthetes or jaded intellectuals. The first cannot be obeyed because then in a short time both the content and form of propaganda will turn out to be adapted not to the needs of the masses, but to the needs of narrow circles of armchair politicians. It is dangerous to listen to the voice of the latter simply because, being themselves deprived of healthy feelings, they are constantly looking for new thrills. These gentlemen get bored with everything in no time. They are constantly looking for variety and are completely incapable of thinking even for a minute about how a simple, artless crowd feels. These gentlemen are always the first critics. They do not like the current propaganda either in content or form. Everything seems too outdated, too formulaic to them. They are all looking for something new, something versatile. This kind of criticism is a real scourge; at every step it prevents truly successful propaganda that would be able to win over the genuine masses. As soon as the organization of propaganda, its content, its form begin to conform to these jaded intellectuals, all propaganda will blur and lose all attractive power.

Serious propaganda exists not to satisfy the need of jaded intellectuals for interesting variety, but to convince, first of all, the broad masses of the people. The masses, in their inertia, always need a significant period of time before they even pay attention to one or another issue. In order for the memory of the masses to assimilate even a completely simple concept, it is necessary to repeat it in front of the masses thousands and thousands of times.

Approaching the masses from completely different angles, we must under no circumstances change the content of our propaganda and must lead it to the same conclusion each time. We can and must propagate our slogan from a variety of angles. Its correctness can also be illuminated in different ways. But the result must always be the same, and the slogan must invariably be repeated at the end of every speech, every article, etc. Only in this case will our propaganda have a truly uniform and united effect.

Only if we adhere to this in the most consistent manner with endurance and perseverance will we, over time, see that success begins to increase, and only then will we be able to see what amazing, what truly grandiose results such propaganda produces.

And in this regard, the propaganda of the opponents was exemplary. It was carried out with exceptional persistence and exemplary tirelessness. It was dedicated to only a few, few, but important ideas and was intended exclusively for the broad masses. Throughout the war, the enemy, without respite, introduced the same ideas into the masses in the same form. He never began to change his propaganda even in the slightest, for he was convinced that its effect was excellent. At the beginning of the war, it seemed that this propaganda was downright insane in its impudence, then it began to produce only a somewhat unpleasant impression, and in the end, everyone believed it. Four and a half years later, a revolution broke out in Germany, and so what? This revolution borrowed almost all its slogans from the arsenal of military propaganda of our opponents.

One more thing was well understood in England: that the success of propaganda largely depends on its mass application; The British spared no money on propaganda, remembering that the costs would be covered a hundredfold.

In England, propaganda was considered a weapon of the first rank. Meanwhile, here in Germany, propaganda became an occupation for unemployed politicians and for all those sad-looking knights who were looking for warm places in the rear.

This explains the fact that the results of our military propaganda were zero.

CHAPTER VII
REVOLUTION

The military propaganda of the opponents began in our camp already in 1915. Since 1916 it has become more and more intense, and by the beginning of 1918 it is already directly inundating us. At every step one could feel the negative influences of this soul-fishing. Our army gradually learned to think the way the enemy wanted it.

Our measures to combat this propaganda turned out to be worthless.

The then head of the army had both the desire and determination to fight against this propaganda wherever it appeared at the front. But, alas, he lacked the appropriate tool for this. And from a psychological point of view, countermeasures should not have come from the command itself. In order for our counter-propaganda to have its effect, it had to come from home. After all, it was for this house, because it was for our fatherland that the soldiers at the front performed miracles of heroism and went to any hardship for almost four years.

And what actually turned out to be? How did our homeland respond, how did our home respond to all this outrageous propaganda of our opponents?

Related information.

Participation in wars: World War I. The Second World War
Participation in battles:

(Adolf Hitler) Fuhrer of the National Socialist German Workers' Party since 1921, Reich Chancellor of National Socialist Germany since 1933, Reich Chancellor and Fuhrer of Germany since 1934, Commander-in-Chief (Supreme) of the German Armed Forces in World War II

Adolf Gitler born in Braunau am Inn, Austria, in the family of a customs official. Adolf's father Alois Hitler was illegitimate, and at first bore his mother's surname Schicklgruber, then taking the surname of his mother's husband - Hitler (according to another version, Gutler).

Young Hitler studied poorly and never received a school leaving certificate. Twice Hitler tried in vain to enter the Vienna Academy of Arts. After the death of his mother, Hitler finally moved to Vienna, hoping to earn a living. From 1909 to 1913 he lived very poorly, earning some money by designing posters, advertising cards, etc.

In 1913 Adolf Gitler fled to Munich to escape conscription. The following year, he finally went to the medical examination, but was declared unfit for service. After the start First World War Hitler was drawn to the army, and he volunteered for the 16th Bavarian Reserve Infantry Regiment.

Military service turned a gloomy young man into a convinced militarist and nationalist. Hitler received the rank of corporal, he participated in hostilities and was awarded military decorations four times. After the defeat of Germany, Hitler did not leave the regiment, but remained in it until 1920, acting as a political informant. In September 1919, Hitler joined the German Workers' Party (DAP) in Munich, and in 1920 he left the army to devote himself entirely to work in the party's propaganda department.

This was a time of deep crisis in Germany. The war, payments and indemnities to the victors led to hyperinflation and impoverishment of the population. Fearing the strengthening of the communists, the authorities were tolerant of the strengthening of revanchist organizations. Taking stock of the situation, Hitler transformed the German Workers' Party into the National Socialist German Workers' Party (NSDAP). In July 1921, Hitler was elected chairman of this party.

On November 8-9, 1923, Hitler led the Munich Beer Hall Putsch, a daring attempt to seize power in Bavaria. The putsch was suppressed, Hitler was arrested and sentenced to 5 years in prison for treason. Hitler served only 9 months, during which he wrote his book “My Struggle” (“Mein Kampf”), where he outlined the political philosophy of Nazism. In his work, Hitler declared war on communists and Jews, pathetic liberals, and the restoration of a racially pure Germany. He wrote about Germany, which would rise and dominate the whole world, subjugate peoples and states, and conquer “living space” for colonization in the east.

With the global economic crisis of 1929 and the subsequent depression, a new time had come for the Nazi Party. The Nazis became the second largest faction in the Reichstag. In parallel with parliamentary and political work, the party had paramilitary assault troops (SA), which were engaged in the physical destruction of political opponents. In January 1933, President Hindenburg appointed Hitler as Chancellor and within a year he achieved the establishment of the Nazi dictatorship in Germany.

Hitler used the arson of the Reichstag building to prohibit the activities of the Communist Party and arrest its leaders. In March, the Emergency Powers Act was passed, which gave Hitler 4 years of unlimited dictatorial power. All political parties except NSDAP were gradually disbanded. Figures of the Nazi Party forced Jews out of government institutions and placed government structures under the direct control of the Party.

On June 30, 1934, Hitler purged his own ranks ( "Night of the Long Knives"), physically destroying his competitors and people who could be dangerous to him, in particular, Ernst Röhm, who stood at the origins of the NSDAP and brought Hitler into the party. On August 30, 1934, Hindenburg died, and Hitler assumed the functions of president, taking the title of “Führer” - the supreme leader of the Third Reich.

The Fuhrer replaced the SA assault troops with SS security departments, placing Heinrich Himmler at their head. Together with the Gestapo political secret police, the SS created a system of concentration camps where political opponents, Jews and other “undesirable” elements were “deported.” In 1935, Hitler introduced the so-called. The Nuremberg Racial Laws, which denied German citizenship to people of Jewish origin.

The world community ignored Nazi Germany's demonstrative violations of the Treaty of Versailles. Hitler freely armed the country. With the technical and educational support of the USSR, tank and air forces were created, the army was motorized and equipped with the latest weapons. March 7, 1936 Adolf Gitler sent troops into the Rhineland demilitarized region and began construction of 16 thousand fortifications along the 500 km border with the Netherlands, Belgium, Luxembourg and France, which went 35-100 km deep.

Great Britain and France pushed the German war machine to attack east. In 1935, Great Britain signed a naval pact with Germany. In 1936, Hitler entered into an alliance with Benito Mussolini, the fascist head of Italy. On March 11, 1938, he brought a 200,000-strong army into Austria, which captured the entire country by March 13. In September 1938, with the consent of Britain and France, Czechoslovakia was divided, Germany annexed its western part (more developed).

In March 1939, Hitler demanded from Lithuania "Memel Corridor". Political games with the Soviet Union continued. On August 23, 1939, the USSR and Germany signed a non-aggression pact (Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact), which contained a secret protocol on the division of Poland and spheres of influence in Eastern Europe. On September 1, Germany attacked Poland. Western countries declared war on Germany, and World War II began.

Poland had already fallen within a month. Until June 1940, the Scandinavian countries were occupied. France held out for two weeks: from May 25 to June 5. England managed to repel the attack.

In April 1941, German troops captured Yugoslavia and Greece.

On June 22, 1941, Germany attacked the USSR. In December 1941, Hitler's troops were stopped near Moscow. In 1942, the Germans managed to advance to the Volga. On December 7, 1941, the United States declared war on Japan and Germany.

The years of World War II became a tragedy for millions of people, for nations that became victims of genocide. In Germany alone, more than 6 million Jews died in concentration camps. Hitler planned the complete extermination of the nations of Jews and Gypsies.

In 1943 Soviet Union turned the tide of the war. A second front was opened in Western Europe.

In June (according to other sources, July 20), 1944, a group of conspiratorial officers led by Claus von Stauffenberg, seeing the futility of further struggle, attempted to assassinate Hitler. They planted a briefcase with a bomb in the room where the meeting was taking place. Hitler miraculously survived, but suffered serious concussion and moral trauma.

In the last months of the war Adolf Gitler led the remnants of the troops from headquarters, which was located in a fortified underground bunker. When Soviet troops captured Berlin, Hitler hastily married his mistress Eva Braun, after which the young couple committed suicide. The dictator's body was never identified.

Have you ever thought about what life events made you who you are today, and when things could have gone a completely different way? Key episodes can be found in the life of every person. Let's look at the life of Adolf Hitler and find moments that could change the course of history. The fact is that the Fuhrer repeatedly found himself at the epicenter of tragic events and faced death.

A life almost interrupted

In January 1894, a little German boy was frolicking in the street with other children. While playing, he accidentally ran onto the frozen Inn River, and the thin ice cracked. The boy fell into the icy water and floundered desperately, trying not to drown.

At this time, another boy, Johan Küberger, passed by the river. Hearing a scream, he rushed to the rescue and without hesitation dove into the water, saving the defenseless child. The victim was four-year-old Adolf Hitler.

For the rest of his life, Adolf regularly recalled his first brush with death. This story became public thanks to a small article in one of the old German newspapers. Note that Johan Küberger later became a priest.

An angry mob nearly beat Hitler to death.

Before Hitler came to power, he was just one of many radical right-wing agitators. After a particularly provocative speech in Munich, he was forced to run away from an angry crowd of at least 200 people.

Hitler stumbled and fell, and the crowd overtook him. People began to kick the agitator they didn’t like. Then a man came forward, holding a bayonet in his hands. He was already ready to stab the future Fuhrer, when suddenly, at the last moment, lynching was prevented by 8 armed men.

One of those eight men was named Michael Keogh. He was originally from Ireland. By an amazing coincidence, Hitler fought shoulder to shoulder with him during the First World War. The Nazis later nearly executed him in a massacre that historians call the Night of the Long Knives.

Injury from a chemical projectile

In 1918, at the height of World War I, Corporal Adolf Hitler was wounded while fighting in Belgium by a British chemical shell containing mustard gas. More than 10 thousand soldiers died from these shells during the war, but Hitler managed to survive. After being wounded, he became temporarily blind and was taken to a nearby German military hospital.

The injuries received were not serious, and the lost vision soon returned. Corporal Adolf Hitler was able to continue to participate in battles. This incident frightened Adolf so much that during World War II he forbade his soldiers to use chemical shells with mustard gas in battles.

Archival medical records suggest that the future Nazi leader's blindness was not caused by a chemical shell explosion, but was the result of a mental disorder. At least the doctor indicated the diagnosis of “hysterical amblyopia”.

Too merciful British soldier

The aforementioned shell wound was not the only moment in World War I when Adolf came face to face with death.

Towards the end of the war, British soldiers took control and repaired the bridge, which had been partially destroyed by the Germans, who sought to prevent enemy military equipment from reaching the occupied French town. After another battle, a young soldier of the British army, Henry Tandy, lay down to rest and bandage his wounds. Suddenly he noticed a German soldier rushing away from his hiding place.

Tandy took aim, intending to shoot at the enemy, but changed his mind when he noticed that he was wounded. It turned out that Henry had pardoned 29-year-old Adolf Hitler. “I didn’t want to kill the wounded man,” Tandy said of the incident in May 1940.

Car accident

A high-ranking Nazi major general and economic adviser to Adolf Hitler, Otto Wagener, claimed that in 1930 the future Fuhrer could have died in a traffic accident.

On March 13, 1930, a cargo truck with a trailer crashed into Adolf's Mercedes. Fortunately for Hitler, the truck driver had time to apply the brakes, so the collision was less destructive than it could have been. Otto Wagener was riding in the passenger seat next to Hitler.

Six months later, Hitler and the Nazi party came to power. Unfortunately, nothing is known about the further fate of the truck driver.

A demand signed by Hitler himself for the insurance company to compensate for the damage caused to his Mercedes in 2000 was put up on the online auction eBay. The seller then wrote that the German insurance company found this document only 70 years after it was submitted.

Failed suicide

Despite the Fuhrer's extreme nationalistic views, shortly before the Nazis came to power, Hitler's list of confidants included a German who graduated from Harvard University and his American-born wife. Ernst Hanfstaengl and his wife Helen first met Hitler in 1921, shortly after moving to Munich from New York. They were greatly impressed by the inspired speech of the young agitator in one of the Munich bars. The young people met and became close friends. For some time, Adolf Hitler even lived with Hanfstaengl. Later, Ernst and his wife took part in the Beer Hall Putsch, when the Nazis tried to seize power in the country. Then the attempt failed.

After the unsuccessful putsch, the trio fled to the country estate of the Hanfstaengl couple. Adolf Hitler, facing charges of treason, was furious. "Everything is lost! - he yelled. “There’s no point in continuing to fight!” After these words, Hitler grabbed the pistol from the table. But before he could pull the trigger, Helen grabbed Adolf by the arm and snatched the weapon. A few days later the house was surrounded by police. Hitler was arrested.

Death Sentence

As expected, after his arrest, Hitler was charged with treason. At that time the death penalty was imposed for this. But, as you might guess, this punishment was never applied to Hitler.

Shortly before the trial, Weimar authorities declared a state of emergency in the city, radically changing the judicial system. As a result, Hitler’s fate now had to be decided not by a jury, but by the judge himself. Hitler was lucky that the judge assigned to his case (Georg Neithardt) was sympathetic to his political views, because he himself was a Nazi.

Neithardt not only did not sentence Hitler to death, but also allowed him to address the people present in the hall to spread his own political views.

Technically, Hitler was found guilty of treason. But the death penalty was replaced with five years of imprisonment, of which Adolf spent less than a year behind bars.

Unexpected death of mother

Many believe that one of the main events that shaped Hitler's character and personality was his expulsion from art school. Actually this is not true. Adolf was a terrible artist and would have been expelled from any art school. At that time, another event occurred that influenced the life of the future Fuhrer much more - the death of his mother. She passed away at the age of 47 due to breast cancer. The Fuhrer loved his mother madly, and in his book Mein Kampf called her death “a terrible blow.”

Some historians believe that Hitler refused to believe that his mother died due to breast cancer. Adolf allegedly believed that she was poisoned by a Jewish doctor. It is likely that it was this episode that gave rise to the future Nazi leader’s caustic hatred of Jews, which led to the Holocaust during World War II.

It was Adolf's mother, Clara, who asked her son to follow his main dream and become an artist. Unfortunately, after her death, Hitler stopped making art.

Death of Lenin

The next episode is not directly related to the life of Adolf Hitler, but its importance cannot be overestimated. We will talk about Stalin and Trotsky - two of the greatest Soviet leaders.

What does Stalin have to do with it? It is no secret that in the 30s of the 20th century he supported the fascist movement in Germany and did not try to prevent it in any way. According to authoritative historians, the Nazis' rise to power was beneficial to him. Fascism served for him as a kind of instrument, an icebreaker of the great revolution. Stalin hoped that the Germans would start a war that would break Europe, and Hitler would do what it was inconvenient for him to do himself.

Back in 1927, Stalin declared that World War II was inevitable. He also considered the USSR’s entry into it inevitable. But the wise leader did not want to start a war and participate in it from the very beginning. He said: “We will perform, but we will do it last, so that we can throw the weight on the scale that will outweigh.”

War, crisis, famine, devastation in Europe were needed by Stalin himself. And who could lead her to such a state better than Adolf Hitler? The more crimes he committed, the better for Joseph Stalin, the more reason the Soviet leader had to one day introduce the liberating Red Army into Europe.

The game that Stalin played was understood by only one person - his ideological opponent Leon Trotsky. Back in 1936, he stated: “Without Stalin there would have been neither Hitler nor the Gestapo.”

The enmity between Trotsky and Stalin at one time turned into a battle of giants, which shook the USSR year after year and had a great influence on the rest of the world. The struggle was long. Each of its participants tried not to loosen their grip, and only Trotsky’s death separated them. Until the day of his death at the hands of an NKVD agent (who was later awarded the honorary title of Hero of the USSR), Leon Trotsky repeatedly attacked the dictator who prevented him from becoming the next leader of the Soviet Union after Lenin. But Stalin also tried not to give in and stubbornly pursued Trotsky, wherever he tried to hide. The Moscow trials were, in essence, trials of Trotsky, who did not want to submit. And large-scale purges were needed in order to destroy all of Trotsky’s friends, friends of his friends and all those who were or even could become Trotskyists. The irreconcilable enmity of the two revolutionaries lasted until the very end, despite the fact that one of them was a powerful ruler of one of the strongest world powers, and the second was a poor writer.

Nevertheless, in the twenties there were no problems in the relationship between Stalin and Trotsky, but this relative peace rested only on the authority of Lenin. Only after the death of the head of the communist movement did these two move to open confrontation. If Lenin had not passed away so early, there is no doubt that Leon Trotsky would have become his successor. That is, there would have been no Stalin, no Hitler coming to power, and, accordingly, no war.

Lenin did not recommend putting Stalin at the head of the country because of the latter’s excessive rudeness and lust for power. In his will, which was deposited with Krupskaya in 1922, he wrote: “Comrade Stalin, having become Secretary General, concentrated enormous power in his hands, and I doubt that he will be able to use it carefully enough.” A little later, Lenin asked Krupskaya to give him a will and added the following words at the end: “Stalin is very rude... Therefore, I would suggest that my comrades consider a way to remove him from this place...”. That is, Lenin was able to foresee the great confrontation. But his will was not published in the USSR. Krupskaya read it several times during meetings of the Central Committee, but it did little harm to Joseph Stalin.

The episode with the unsuccessful assassination attempt

You may be aware of the failed assassination attempt on Hitler in July 1944, as it was depicted in the movie Operation Valkyrie. But there was another, lesser-known assassination attempt that threatened to end the life of Adolf Hitler and prevent World War II.

It was made in 1939 by a simple German carpenter Johann Georg Elser. Elser did not hide his left-wing political views and openly supported the communists, who were then the main opposition force in Germany. Later, they became the first to be executed by Hitler, taking power into his own hands.

When the Nazis came to power, Elser, who hated the Fuhrer, went to work at the Waldenmayer arms factory and began to think through a plan to kill the dictator. He stole materials from the factory to make a homemade bomb. When the explosive device was ready, he spent more than a month manually hollowing out a small niche in the column of the podium, onto which Hitler would climb to make a speech. Having finished, Georg placed a bomb in it and started the timer.

Unfortunately, the traditional Führer speech that year was not as long as usual. Bad weather forced Hitler to leave the podium just 5 minutes before the explosion. The detonation of the device led to the death of 8 people, another 60 were seriously injured, but Hitler was not among them. The father of Hitler's wife, Eva Braun, was also wounded.

After the failed assassination attempt, Elser tried to flee to Switzerland, but he was caught at the border, put behind bars, and then executed.

If only Johan Küberger had not heard the screams of a drowning boy in 1894, if Henry Tandy had not been so merciful, if Lenin had not died so early. Then world history would have developed according to a completely different scenario. But Hitler turned out to be even more lucky! Fate itself helped him come to power and unleash the bloodiest war in human history.

On May 24, 1913, Hitler left Vienna and moved to Munich, where he settled in the apartment of tailor and merchant Joseph Popp on Schleisheimer Strasse. He continued to earn his living from commercial painting. In the Bavarian capital, he was eventually tracked down by the Austrian military authorities on a tip from the Munich police. Before this, he lived quite comfortably in the Bavarian capital, even better than in Vienna. And contact with the Austrian military department, as it turned out, did not bring any trouble to Hitler. In general, he later called life in Munich on the eve of the First World War a happy time.

On January 19, 1914, the police took Hitler to the Austrian consulate. In this regard, he sent a letter with a tax return to the magistrate of Linz, who demanded his appearance to serve his military service. Hitler wrote: “I earn money as a free artist only in order to provide myself with further education, since I am completely deprived of funds (my father was a civil servant). I can only devote part of my time to earning a living, since I am still continuing my architectural education. Therefore, my income is very modest, it is only enough to live on. I enclose my tax return as proof and ask that it be returned to me again. The amount of my income is indicated here in the amount of 1200 marks, and it is more likely to be overestimated than underestimated (it would be interesting to look at a person who overstates his income in his tax return. - B.S.), and you shouldn’t assume that there are exactly 100 marks for each month.”

Hitler was clearly becoming poor, trying to pity the officials of his hometown: perhaps they would sympathize and decide that the poor artist need not be drafted into the army. And Adolf achieved his goal. The consulate's message about Hitler's visit, sent to Vienna and Linz, said: “According to police observations and personal impressions, the data set out in the attached exculpatory statement is completely true. He also allegedly suffers from a disease that makes him unfit for military service... Since Hitler made a favorable impression, we for the time being refused his forced delivery and recommended that he certainly appear on February 5 in Linz for the draft board... Thus, Hitler will go to Linz, if the magistrate does not consider it necessary to take into account the stated circumstances of the case and his poverty and does not agree to hold a draft commission in Salzburg.”

In fact, 100 marks, taking into account the real scale of prices, was more than Hitler's monthly salary in Vienna, which was 60–65 crowns. After all, prices in Munich were significantly lower than in Vienna. By the way, a novice bank employee in Munich at that time earned only 70 marks a month.

In Vienna, in order to dine in a restaurant every day, 25 kronor per month was required, and in Munich - 18–25 marks. The worst room in Vienna cost 10–15 crowns, and for a good furnished room with a separate entrance in Munich, Hitler paid only 20 marks. After deducting expenses for breakfasts and dinners, he had at least 30 marks per month left for other needs, while in Vienna he had practically no free money left. And since Hitler was unpretentious, he even, apparently, had accumulated some savings. In 1944, he admitted to his personal photographer Heinrich Hoffmann that in 1913–1914 in Munich he needed no more than 80 marks a month.

As in Vienna, Hitler was very lonely in Munich. It can be assumed that both there and there he had fleeting connections with women, but nothing concrete about this is still known. Those around him looked at Hitler as an eccentric, which did not bother him at all. He still read a lot, not only books on art and philosophy, but also works on military affairs, as if sensing that a world war was about to break out.

At the same time, Hitler dressed well and tastefully and often in the evenings communicated in cafes and pubs with people of art - artists, poets and musicians of the second and third rank, just like him, who had not received public recognition. He willingly discussed not only cultural, but also political topics and discovered an extraordinary gift for persuasion of his interlocutors - many of them subsequently joined the National Socialist Party. But he did not get close to anyone and did not open his soul to anyone, including, as we will see later, the women he loved.

On February 5, 1914, Hitler went to the draft board in Salzburg. The Linz authorities took his supposed poverty into account and allowed him to pass the draft board in Salzburg, which was much closer to Munich. The commission declared him “unfit for combat and auxiliary service due to his weak constitution” and released him from military service. Hitler had no intention of skimping on his military duty, but chose to do it in the ranks of the Bavarian rather than the Austrian army. Just on the days of his arrival in Munich, a scandal broke out related to the case of Alfred Redl. On the night of May 25, 1913, Colonel of the Austro-Hungarian General Staff Redl, exposed as a Russian spy, committed suicide in Vienna. Knowing about his homosexual inclinations, Russian intelligence blackmailed him into revealing a plan for the strategic deployment of the imperial-royal army. The incident with Redl was regarded by Hitler as evidence of the disintegration of the Austro-Hungarian army and reinforced his conviction not to serve in it. In the book “My Struggle” he admitted: “I left Austria primarily for political reasons. I didn’t want to fight for the Habsburg state.” The German historian Werner Maser characterized Hitler's position this way: “He does not want to serve in the same army with the Czechs and Jews, to fight for the Habsburg state, but is always ready to die for the German Reich.” Hitler was ardently convinced that Austria-Hungary had long “ceased to be a German state entity”, that in the Danube monarchy the only bearers of the idea of ​​a close union with Germany “were only the Habsburgs and the Germans. The Habsburgs out of calculation and necessity, and the Germans out of gullibility and political stupidity.” He had no doubt that internal instability would lead to the rapid collapse of the Habsburg Empire. And even then, in Munich, Hitler said more than once that “the future of the German nation depends on the destruction of Marxism.”

On August 1, 1914, Germany declared war on France and Russia, and on August 16, Hitler volunteered in Munich to join the Bavarian 16th Reserve Infantry Regiment. He conveyed his feelings at the moment of receiving the news about the beginning of the war in the book “My Struggle” as follows: “Those hours became for me a kind of deliverance from the unpleasant memories of my youth. I’m not ashamed... to admit that from the delight that gripped me, I fell to my knees and thanked heaven with all my heart for being given the happiness of living at such a time.”

On October 8, 1914, a private of the 6th recruit reserve battalion of the 16th Bavarian Infantry Regiment, Adolf Hitler, took the oath first to the King of Bavaria, Ludwig III, and then, as an Austrian subject, to his Emperor Franz Joseph I. And already in mid-October he was part of 1 1st Infantry Company of the 16th Regiment ended up on the Western Front. Hitler described his first combat impressions in Flanders during the battle of Ypres in most detail in February 1915 in a letter to his Munich comrade assessor Ernst Hepp. This is the most detailed sketch of the “trench truth” that came from the Fuhrer’s pen: “Already on December 2 I received the Iron Cross. There were, thank God, more than enough opportunities to obtain it. Our regiment did not end up in reserve, as we thought, but already on October 29, in the morning, it was sent into battle, and for three months now we have not given them rest for a minute - if not in the offensive, then in the defense. After a very beautiful journey along the Rhine, we arrived in Lille on October 31st. Already in Belgium there were visible signs of war. Leuven was all in ruins and fires... Somewhere around midnight we finally entered Lille... During the day we did a little combat training, examined the city and mainly admired the colossal military machine, which unfolded in all its glory before our eyes and imposed imprint on the whole of Lille. At night we sang songs, some of us for the last time. On the third night, at 2 o’clock the alarm was suddenly announced, and at 3 o’clock we moved to the assembly point. None of us really knew anything, but we decided that this was a drill... Around 9 o'clock we stopped in some palace park. A two-hour halt, and then again on the road until 8 o’clock in the evening... After much ordeal, we reached a broken-down peasant farmstead and made a halt. That night I had to stand guard. At one o'clock in the morning the alarm was announced again, and at 3 o'clock we began to march. Before this, the ammunition was replenished. While we were waiting for the order to move forward, Major Tsekh rode past us on horseback: tomorrow we are going to attack the British. Everyone is happy: finally. Having made this announcement, the major took his place at the head of the column and set off on foot. At 6 o'clock in the morning we meet with other companies near some hotel, and at 7 o'clock everything begins. We platoon pass through the forest located to our right and emerge in perfect order into the meadow. Four guns are dug in front of us. We take up positions behind them in large trenches and wait. The first shrapnel is already whistling above us and cutting off the trees at the edge like straws. We look at all this with curiosity. We don't yet have a real sense of danger. No one is afraid, everyone is waiting for the command “Attack!” And things are getting worse. They say there are already wounded. Five or more young men in clay-colored uniforms appear on the left, and we scream with joy. 6 British with a machine gun. We look at the guards. They proudly walk after their prey, and we still wait and can hardly see anything in the hellish smoke in front of us. Finally the command “Forward!” We form a chain and rush across the field in the direction of a small farm. Shrapnel is exploding on the left and right, English bullets are whistling, but we do not pay attention to them. We lie down for ten minutes, and then forward again, I run ahead of everyone and break away from the platoon. Here they report that platoon commander Shtever was shot. “That’s how it is,” I manage to think, and then it begins. Since we are in the middle of an open field, we need to run forward as quickly as possible. The captain runs ahead. Now the first among us are already falling. The British directed machine gun fire at us. We throw ourselves on the ground and slowly crawl along the ditch.

Sometimes we stop, which means someone has been shot again and is preventing us from moving forward. We drag him out of the ditch. So we crawl until the ditch ends and we have to get out onto the field again. After 15–20 meters we reach a large puddle. One by one we jump up there and take a position to catch our breath. But there is no time to linger. We quickly get out and march to the forest, which is about 100 meters away. There we gradually get together again. The forest has already thinned out a lot. Now we are commanded by Vice-Sergeant-Major Schmidt, an excellent, big guy. We crawl along the edge of the forest. Bullets and shrapnel whistle above us, and downed branches and pieces of trees fall around us. Then shells explode at the edge of the forest, raising clouds of stones, earth and sand and tearing out huge trees with their roots, and we are suffocating in yellow-green, terrible, stinking smoke. It makes no sense to lie here forever; if you’re going to die, it’s better in the field. Our major comes up here. We are running forward again. I jump and run as hard as I can across the meadow, through beet beds, jump over trenches, climb over wire and bush fences and suddenly I hear shouts ahead: “Here, everyone here.” There is a long trench in front of me, and after a moment I jump into it. In front of me, behind me, to the left and to the right, others are jumping there as well. Next to me are the Württembergers, and below me are the dead and wounded Englishmen. The Württembergers occupied the trench before us. Now it becomes clear why it was so easy for me to jump off. 240–280 meters to our left we can still see English trenches, and to our right the road... which is in their hands. There was a continuous hail of iron over our trench. Finally, at 10 o'clock our artillery begins to work. The guns hit one after another, 1st, 2nd, 3rd, 4th, etc. Every now and then in front of us a shell hits the English trenches. The British jump out as if from an anthill, and we again run to the attack.

We immediately cross the field and after hand-to-hand combat, which was quite bloody in places, we knock them out of the trenches. Many people raise their hands. We finish off anyone who doesn't give up. This is how we free up trench after trench. Finally we get out onto the main road. To the left and right of us is a young forest. We enter it. We drive out whole packs of Englishmen from there. Finally we reach a place where the forest ends and the road continues along an open field. To the left there are some farmsteads that are still occupied by the enemy, and they open terrible fire on us from there. People fall one after another. And then our major appears, brave as hell. He smokes quietly. Along with him is his adjutant, Lieutenant Piloty. The major quickly assesses the situation and orders them to concentrate on the left and right of the road and prepare for an attack. We no longer have officers, and there are almost no non-commissioned officers left. Therefore, everyone who is still able jumps up and runs for reinforcements. When I return for the second time with a group of breakaway Württembergers, the major is lying on the ground with a bullet through his chest. There are a lot of corpses around him. Now only one officer remains, his adjutant. Fury bubbles up inside us. “Mr. Lieutenant, lead us into the attack,” everyone shouts. We are moving through the forest to the left of the road, there is no way to go along the road. Four times we rise to attack - and four times we are forced to retreat. Of my entire team, there is only one person left besides me. Finally he falls too. The sleeve of my jacket is torn off by a shot, but by some miracle I remain alive and well. At 2 o'clock we finally go on the fifth attack and this time we occupy the edge of the forest and a farm. In the evening at five o'clock we get together and dig in 100 meters from the road. The fighting goes on for 3 days, until finally on the third day we overthrow the British. On the fourth day we marched back... Only there we realized how heavy our losses were. In 4 days, our regiment was reduced from three and a half thousand people to 600 people (Hitler wrote to his Munich landlord J. Popp back in December 1914 that 611 remained in the regiment of 3,600 people. - B.S.). There were only 3 officers left in the entire regiment; 4 companies had to be reorganized. But we were proud that we had defeated the British. Since then we have been constantly at the forefront. In Messina I was nominated for the Iron Cross for the first time, and in Vitshet for the second time, this time the nomination for me... was signed by Mr. Lieutenant Colonel Engelhardt, our regimental commander. On December 2nd I finally received it. I now serve as a messenger at headquarters. The service here is a little cleaner, but also more dangerous. In Vitshet alone, on the day of the first offensive, three of us were killed, and one was seriously wounded. We, the four survivors, and the wounded were awarded. That award saved our lives that time. When the list of those presented for the cross was discussed, 4 company commanders entered the tent. Due to the crowded conditions, the four of us had to leave for a while. We hadn't stood outside for even five minutes when suddenly a shell hit the tent, seriously wounded Lieutenant Colonel Engelhardt, and everyone else at headquarters was either wounded or killed. It was the most terrible moment of my life. We all simply adored Lieutenant Colonel Engelhardt.

Unfortunately, we have to finish, and I ask you, dear Mr. Assessor, to forgive me for my bad handwriting. I'm too nervous right now. Day after day, from 8 a.m. to 5 p.m., we are under heavy artillery fire. Over time, this can ruin even the strongest nerves. For both parcels that you, Mr. Assessor, were so kind to send me, I express my most heartfelt gratitude to you and your dearest wife. I often remember Munich, and each of us has only one desire: to settle accounts with these bandits as quickly as possible, no matter what the cost, and so that those of us who are lucky enough to return to our homeland again see it cleared of all foreignness, so that Thanks to the sacrifices and suffering that hundreds of thousands of us experience every day, and to the rivers of blood that are shed in the fight against the international conspiracy of enemies, we not only defeated Germany’s external enemies, but also internal internationalism collapsed. This is more important than any conquest of territory. It all starts with Austria, as I always said.”

Here one can hear not only pride in military successes, but also sincere compassion for the dead and wounded comrades. Hitler had an understandable hatred of his opponents, characteristic of soldiers who had just emerged from battle. But even then, his xenophobia was clearly manifested, which resulted in a desire to cleanse Germany of “foreigners” (he already included Austria in Germany at that time).

There are official reports regarding the losses of the 16th Bavarian Infantry Regiment. According to the official list of losses, on October 29, 1914, the day of the “baptism by fire,” 349 people died in the regiment, and in the period from October 30 to November 24, 1914, another 373 people died (the bulk - in early October and early November, during the period of the most intense fighting). Taking into account the fact that there were probably about three times as many wounded, about 600 people could actually remain in the ranks by the end of November. So the data cited by Hitler must be considered very accurate. In total, during the war the 16th Regiment lost 3,754 soldiers, non-commissioned officers and officers.

It is characteristic that in Hitler’s letter to Ernst Hepp the thesis of the Kaiser’s propaganda about an international conspiracy against Germany is experienced quite sincerely, and the conclusion suggests itself about the need to simultaneously deal with the “internal enemy” - internationalism. Thus, it is as if the legend of “a stab in the back with a dagger”, born in 1918, is anticipated - that it was the “subversive activities” of the Social Democrats that led to the collapse of the front and the defeat of Germany. The most interesting thing is that this letter already contains in a condensed form a program for future German expansion, in case of defeat, which will have to start with Austria. As is well known, it was the Anschluss of Austria that became Hitler's first annexation - a prelude to World War II. And what is also very curious: the future Fuhrer simply called the British, a people “racially close” to the Germans, bandits. Such a feeling casts doubt on the reality of the combinations of the Anglo-German alliance, which were later attributed to Reich Chancellor Hitler as the fundamental idea of ​​Nazi foreign policy. Rather, these were purely propaganda and diplomatic maneuvers.

Hepp's letter also refutes the widely held belief that it was only in 1919 that Hitler discovered political activity as his calling. Already in this letter we do not see an artist at all, but we see an extremist politician with a certain program of action.

And further. Judging by the description of his first battle, Hitler certainly had to kill one of the enemy soldiers, and, most likely, more than one. He probably killed someone in subsequent battles - in total, Hitler had more than 30 such battles. But after World War I, the head of the National Socialist Workers' Party of Germany and the Fuhrer of the German people no longer killed a single person with his own hands, preferring to destroy millions people with one stroke of a pen.

Hitler also wrote to J. Popp about his first battles on December 3, 1914: “I was assigned a corporal, and as if by a miracle I remained alive, and after a three-day rest everything started all over again. We fought in Messina, and then in Vitshet. There we attacked twice more, but this time it was harder. There were 42 people left in my company, and 17 in the 2nd. Now a transport has arrived with reinforcements of only 1,200 people. After the second battle, I was presented with the Iron Cross. But the company commander was seriously wounded that same day, and everything was put on hold. But I ended up as an orderly at headquarters. Since then, I can say that every day I risk my life and look death in the eye. Lieutenant Colonel Engelhardt then himself nominated me for the Iron Cross. But on the same day he was seriously wounded. This was already our second regiment commander, since the first (Liszt, whose name the regiment received. - B.S.) died on the third day. This time Adjutant Eichelsdörfer introduced me again, and yesterday, December 2, I finally received the Iron Cross. It was the happiest day of my life. Almost all of my comrades, who also deserved it, died. I ask you, dear Mr. Popp, to keep the newspaper where it is written about the award. I would like, if the Lord God leaves me alive, to keep it as a souvenir... I often think about Munich and especially about you, dear Mr. Popp... Sometimes I feel so homesick.”

At that moment, Hitler undoubtedly believed in God, like most soldiers who are exposed to mortal danger every day at the front. And then. that, after spending four years at the front, he survived, he attributed it to his own chosenness of God. Providence, Hitler thought, had preserved him for great things. And he spent two of his military holidays in Spital - the “family nest” of the Hitlers. Hitler retained his faith in God in the future. Only this was not the Christian all-forgiving and sacrificial God, but a pagan Providence, marking with its stamp the strong and indifferent and even hostile to the weak.

The military past forever remained for the Fuhrer a symbol of the heroic in his life. In the book “My Struggle,” Hitler wrote: “The volunteers from the List regiment may not have known how to fight, but they knew how to die like old soldiers. This was just the beginning. Then year after year passed. The romance of the first battles was replaced by the harsh everyday life of war. Enthusiasm gradually cooled, and unbridled delight was replaced by fear of death. The time has come when the instinct of self-preservation and the sense of duty fought in everyone. Such a struggle took place in me too... In the winter of 1915/16, this struggle ended. The will won an unconditional victory in it. If in the first days I could go into attacks with laughter and delight, now I was full of calm and determination. And this remained forever... The young volunteer turned into an experienced soldier.”

Hitler was a good soldier. Already on November 1, 1914, he was awarded the rank of corporal. In the same month he was transferred to regimental headquarters as a liaison officer. Here Hitler served until October 1915, when he was transferred as a liaison officer to the commander of the 3rd company of the 16th regiment. On October 5, 1916, during the Battle of the Somme, Hitler was wounded in the thigh near Le Bargur and spent almost three months in the infirmary in Belitz, near Berlin. On September 17, 1917, for heroism shown in battles in Flanders, Corporal Hitler was awarded the Cross of Military Merit with swords, 3rd class. On May 9, 1918, a new award followed - a regimental diploma for outstanding courage in the Battle of Fontaine. On August 4, 1918, for his participation in the Second Battle of the Marne - the last German offensive in the First World War - Hitler received his highest award - the Iron Cross 1st class. This order was very rarely awarded to soldiers and non-commissioned officers, so the corporal had to do something very outstanding to deserve it. On August 25, 1918, Hitler received his last award - a service insignia. And on October 15, 1918, he suffered severe gas poisoning near La Montaigne, and his participation in the war ended. Until November 19, he spent time in the Prussian rear hospital in Pasewalk, where he even lost his sight for a while. Later he was assigned to the 7th company of the 1st reserve battalion of the 2nd Bavarian Infantry Regiment.

All reviews of Hitler's military service given before 1923 - the time of his appearance on the political arena - are extremely positive. It was later, and especially after 1933, that Hitler’s opponents circulated versions that he received his Iron Crosses through connections. But, for example, the same regimental adjutant Eichelsdörfer, in the history of the 16th Bavarian Reserve Infantry Regiment named after List, written in 1932, noted that Hitler was a very cautious soldier and persistently persuaded Lieutenant Colonel Engelhardt to take care of himself so as not to fall under enemy fire.

The former commander of the 16th Regiment, Lieutenant Colonel von Luneschlos, testified in the spring of 1922 that “Hitler never failed and was especially well suited for assignments that were beyond the capabilities of other orderlies.” And another commander of the same regiment, Major General Friedrich Petz, stated: “Hitler... demonstrated great mental agility, physical agility, strength and endurance. He was distinguished by his energy and reckless courage with which he walked towards danger in difficult situations in battle.” Another regimental commander, Ritter Max Joseph von Spatny, recalled on March 20, 1922: “The very turbulent and difficult front (Northern France, Belgium), where the regiment constantly operated, placed the highest demands on each soldier in terms of self-sacrifice and personal courage. In this respect, Hitler was a model for everyone around him. His personal energy and exemplary behavior in any combat situation had a strong influence on his comrades. Since he combined this with modesty and amazing unpretentiousness, he enjoyed the deepest respect of both soldiers and commanders.” And Hitler’s last regimental commander, Colonel Count Anton von Tubeuf, who awarded him the Iron Cross 1st Class, wrote in his memoirs that Hitler “was tireless in his service and was always ready to help. There was never a time when he did not volunteer for the most difficult and dangerous task, demonstrating a constant readiness to sacrifice his life for the sake of others and for the good of his homeland. From a purely human perspective, he was the closest to me among the soldiers, and in personal conversations I admired his unparalleled love for his homeland, decency and honesty in his views.” Toubeuf became the only officer of the 16th Bavarian Infantry Regiment whom Hitler promoted to general after coming to power.

The submission for the Iron Cross 1st Class, signed by Lieutenant Colonel von Godin on July 31, 1918, noted: “Being a messenger (Hitler was a scooter rider, that is, a messenger on a bicycle. - B.S.), In conditions of both positional and maneuver warfare, he was an example of composure and courage and always volunteered to deliver the necessary orders in the most difficult situations with the greatest danger to life. When all lines of communication were cut off in heavy fighting, the most important messages, despite all the obstacles, were delivered to their destination thanks to Hitler's tireless and courageous behavior. Hitler was awarded the Iron Cross, 2nd class, for the battle of Vitshet on December 2, 1914. I believe that he is absolutely worthy of being awarded the Iron Cross, 1st class.”

Fritz Wiedemann, adjutant of the battalion in which Hitler served, during interrogation by the allies on September 7, 1948, when it was necessary to have a certain courage to say at least some kind word about Hitler, answered the question about Hitler receiving the Iron Cross, 1st class : “He got it by right. I put together the first performance myself.” In the regiment, the first presentation was made by the adjutant (chief of staff) of the regiment, Hugo Gutman, a Jew by nationality, which subsequently gave the matter additional piquancy. By the way, Hitler did not forget Wiedemann in the future. After the Nazis came to power, in 1934–1939, he headed the department in the Fuhrer’s personal office that dealt with “letters from workers,” petitions for pardon, etc. Then Wiedemann became a diplomat, prepared the Munich Agreement, and was the German consul in San Francisco. Francisco and Shanghai, and at one of the Nuremberg trials received 28 months in prison as a “minor Nazi criminal.”

One of the feats for which Hitler was awarded the Iron Cross, 1st class, was saving the life of the commander of the 9th company on July 17, 1918. During the battle south of Courtiesy, Hitler saw an officer seriously wounded by American shrapnel and dragged him to his trenches. Another feat, together with others, was eligible for this high award, was that Hitler, under fire, made his way to artillery positions and prevented the opening of fire on his infantry.

All of the listed qualities of Hitler the soldier, the hero of the First World War, appear to be true. All his superiors could not come to an agreement and sing the praises of a corporal unknown to anyone at that moment!

But, I note, just these qualities, composure, energy, fearlessness, are very useful to the commander. Why did the bosses, who willingly and generously awarded Hitler crosses, never promote him to the rank of officer or even non-commissioned officer? There is some kind of mystery here that may never be solved. During interrogation in Nuremberg, the same F. Wiedemann stated: “We could not detect any leadership qualities in him. They say that Hitler himself did not want to be promoted.”

The first part of the statement seems dubious. As we have seen, the commanders named a number of Hitler’s qualities that could be useful to the commander on the battlefield. But the second part inspires confidence and explains well why Hitler did not rise in rank above corporal. Apparently, at that moment he preferred, paying tribute to his character, to occupy a position where he could independently, without depending on anyone, neither on superiors nor on subordinates, demonstrate his will, energy and ingenuity. The position of messenger suited him one hundred percent.

But perhaps there was another, purely intimate moment. At the front, Hitler was visited by his first true love. And the position of a messenger allowed him to stay for a long time in the same locality, where the regiment headquarters was located and where he had the opportunity to regularly meet with his mistress.

Her name was Charlotte Lobjoie. She was born on May 14, 1898 in the French village of Seclin, near the Belgian border, into a butcher's family. The love affair between her and Hitler took place in 1916–1917. Charlotte was distinguished by a rather easy-going behavior; she had a lot of men both before and after Hitler. Hitler painted an oil portrait of her, from which a rather pretty, plump girl looks out at us. In March 1918, Charlotte gave birth to a son, Jean Marie, from Hitler, to whom she later gave the surname Clément Felix Loret, whom she married in 1922, already in Paris. Only before her death, on September 13, 1951, did she tell her son that his father was Adolf Hitler. F. Wiedemann recalled in 1964: “The regiment was in positions south of Lille, and the regimental headquarters was in Fournes, in the house of a notary. During those periods when the reports said: “No change in the West,” life was relatively calm for our messengers, and indeed for the entire regimental headquarters. Hitler lived in the house of the butcher Gombert, where he met Charlotte Lobjoie. On June 26, 1940, he again visited his former apartment, which by this time was owned by the butcher Coustenoble.” Charlotte followed Adolf to various locations of the 16th Regiment - to Premona, where they met, then to Fournes, Wavrin, his native Seclin, and then to the Belgian town of Ardoye. Hitler's landlord in Ardoya, Joseph Guthals, recalled how Hitler drew "naked women" from memory. However, we still cannot say whether Charlotte was Hitler’s first girlfriend, or whether he had already acquired sexual experience in Vienna and Munich, as well as in the first years of front-line life. Much later, on the night of January 26, 1942, the Fuhrer said: “It is fortunate for some statesmen that they were not married: otherwise a catastrophe would have occurred. There is one thing a wife will never understand her husband: when in a marriage he cannot devote as much time to her as she requires... When a sailor returns home, for him it is nothing more than to celebrate the wedding again. After so many months of absence, he can now enjoy complete freedom for a few weeks! This would never happen to me. My wife would greet me with a reproach: “What about me?!” Moreover, it is very painful to meekly obey the will of your wife. I would have a sullen, wrinkled face, or I would cease to perform marital duties.

Therefore, it is better not to get married. The worst thing is that in marriage the parties enter into legal relations with each other, hence the claims. It makes much more sense to have a mistress. There are no burdens, and everything is perceived as a gift. Of course, this only applies to great people.

I don't think a person like me will ever get married. He came up with an ideal in which the figure of one woman is combined with the hair of another, the mind of a third and the eyes of a fourth, and each time he compares a new acquaintance with him (Hitler seems to be quoting Gogol’s “Marriage.” - B.S.). And it turns out that the ideal simply does not exist. You should be happy if a girl is charming in one thing. There is nothing more beautiful than raising a young creature: a girl of 18–20 years old is as pliable as wax. A man should be able to put the stamp of his personality on any girl. This is all a woman wants.

The daughter, the fiancée of my driver Kempka, is a very sweet girl. But I don't think they will be happy. Kempka is not interested in anything other than technology, and she is smart and intelligent.

Oh, what beauties there are!.. In Vienna, I also had the opportunity to meet many beautiful women.”

It should be admitted that the local residents were not very fond of Hitler’s mistress, who, moreover, subsequently became addicted to the “green serpent.” One of the residents of Wavren, Louise Duban, back in 1977, in a conversation with V. Mazer, spoke with contempt about “this peasant woman” who “entered into a relationship with Hitler and gave birth to a son from him,” and even in the house of her, Duban, relatives . She claimed: “Everyone here knew Hitler. He ran everywhere with his easel and painted his pictures. In June 1940 he came here again.”

By the way, Hitler’s war watercolors were rated quite highly by experts. In 1919 in Munich, he submitted his works, mainly from the war period, for review by the famous artist Max Zeper, who was so amazed by their high level that he asked to familiarize himself with the paintings of another expert, Professor Ferdinand Steger, to make sure that he was not mistaken in your assessment. And Professor Steger confirmed after looking at landscape watercolors and oil portraits: “A completely unique talent.”

In the First and also in the Second World War, connections between German soldiers and French and Belgian girls were quite common - and they left behind quite a large offspring. Another thing is that after liberation, compatriots did not favor both women, who thus ensured a relatively comfortable existence for themselves under occupation, and children born of German soldiers. Therefore, mothers tried to write down one of the French or Belgians as their fathers and, if possible, hide the circumstances of their birth. So Charlotte tried, when she persuaded a certain Frizon to adopt Jean Marie, to conceal the real place of birth of her son. Official documents stated that he was born on March 25, 1918 in Seboncourt. However, Charlotte and her parents arrived there only at the end of 1918, when the Germans had already left this place. In reality, Hitler's son was born in Secklen.

At the end of September 1917, Hitler parted ways with Charlotte forever. Although at first her pregnancy did not seem to portend trouble. On one of his paintings, Hitler put the exact date - June 27, 1917, which in fact he did very rarely. It is possible that he celebrated the day of the conception of his unborn child in this way. Perhaps he wanted a son first. But already at the end of September 1917, he abruptly broke off all relations with Charlotte and, by the way, resumed correspondence with his Munich correspondents, which had been interrupted during his affair with the French woman. It is unknown what kind of cat ran between Adolf and Charlotte. Perhaps Hitler, who believed in his own greatness, thought that Charlotte was too primitive for him, uneducated and unable to appreciate the depth and uniqueness of his thoughts. Although, on the other hand, Hitler more than once spoke out that a woman should not be overly educated. So, most likely, perhaps, Hitler simply decided not to burden himself with family life for now, especially with a foreigner, believing that this would interfere with his career, be it artistic or political. It is no coincidence that on April 23, 1942, he said, referring to Frederick the Great: “If a German soldier is required to be willing to die without any conditions, then he must be able to love without any conditions.” Probably, at that moment, as well as subsequently, he did not want to tie the knot, as well as generally accept any obligations that would fetter his free will.

Hitler, of course, was a strong-willed man and above all else valued the ability to control the situation. In this regard, even his suicide became an act of subordination to circumstances in a purely hopeless situation. Hitler died in such a way that his case became a symbol of eternity, and did not allow the Allies to arrange a high-profile trial against him.

In any case, already in May 1918, he learned from one of his colleagues that his mistress had given birth to a son from him in Seklin. And in the future he remembered it. So, on November 8, 1923, he told party comrade Martin Muchman that somewhere in France or Belgium there was a portrait of his work, which depicted the mother of his son (the portrait was found after World War II).

In the fall of 1940, the foreign department of the SD, on Hitler's orders, tracked down Charlotte Lobjoie-Lauret and her son Jean Marie Loret-Frison in occupied Paris (he was adopted by a certain businessman Frison and at one time bore his last name). In October 1940, Jean Marie, according to his own recollections, was very politely interrogated at the Abwehr headquarters in the Lutetia Hotel in Paris. Here they also conducted an anthropological examination of him to determine whether he met the criteria of the German race. The Fuhrer never decided to meet again with his former mistress and his son, whom he had never seen. However, according to the testimony of people from his circle, in particular F. Wiedemann, in 1940–1944 Hitler repeatedly said that he would very much like to take his son to him. But the Fuhrer never decided to take this step. Perhaps he did not want to admit his connection with a representative of the Aryan, but not the German people. And in relation to Eva Braun, he would then find himself in a very ambiguous position. After all, Hitler repeated more than once that the Fuhrer could not devote himself to family life until complete victory was achieved. And then it turns out that he already has an adult son. One way or another, Hitler decided to remain the father of all Germans, and not just one half-French, half-German Jean Marie Lauret, whose mother was also a drunken singer of a third-rate cabaret in Paris (this is how Charlotte made her living). In any case, during the occupation, Charlotte and her son were under the supervision of the German military administration, which ensured that the family was not oppressed in any way. Probably, it also played a role that Hitler still felt to a certain extent guilt towards his former mistress, whom he abandoned at the moment when he was convinced that she was expecting a child from him (so as not to be tied down), and did not want her to remind him about such an ignoble act. By the way, Eva Braun’s sister Ilse claimed that Hitler did not tell Eva anything about his former mistress and illegitimate son: “If Eva had known about this, she would probably have been buzzing into Hitler’s ears that he should take appropriate care of his son and his mother.”

At that time, a love affair with Charlotte Lobjoie was certainly not the main concern of the future Fuhrer. Therefore, let's return to the everyday combat life of Corporal Adolf Hitler. As a messenger, he often had to communicate with regimental headquarters officers, company and battalion commanders, and in his eyes they sometimes did not look their best. At the end of 1944, Hitler recalled frequent cases: “... A commander on the front line received a postcard from home, and someone had to run in broad daylight to deliver him this postcard, which he learned about by telephone. Sometimes this cost a person his life, and there was danger for the headquarters, because during the day it was clearly visible from above who was going where. Just idiocy! But only when pressure was applied from above did this disgrace gradually stop. It was exactly the same with horses. Then, for example, to bring a pound of butter, they sent a cart from Messines to Fournes.” In such reasoning one cannot fail to notice common sense, and one cannot deny Hitler’s soldierly ingenuity.

The end of Hitler's participation in the First World War came at La Montaigne in mid-October 1918, four weeks before the armistice. On November 19, 1921, in a letter to one of his acquaintances, he described how it was: “On the night of October 13-14, 1918, I received severe mustard gas poisoning, as a result of which I was initially completely blind.” While in the infirmary, first in the Bavarian city of Odenaard and then in Pasewalk in Pomerania, Hitler feared that he would remain blind forever and would be unable to paint or engage in politics. And the political situation then occupied him more and more. In the same letter dated November 19, 1921, Hitler admitted: “Alarming rumors constantly came from the fleet that everything was seething there... It seemed to me that this was more a product of the imagination of individual people than the actual mood of the broad masses. In the infirmary, everyone talked only about hopes for a quick end to the war, but no one thought that it would stop immediately. I could not read the newspapers... In November, general tension began to increase. And then suddenly, like a bolt from the blue, trouble came. Sailors arrived in trucks and began calling for revolution. The leaders in this struggle for the “freedom, beauty and dignity” of the life of our people turned out to be several Jews. None of them were at the front. Three of these “eastern” personalities (soldiers of the Eastern Front who were subjected to strong Bolshevik agitation. - B.S.) on the way to their homeland they passed through the so-called “gonfly infirmary”, and now they were trying to impose a red rag on the country... Terrible days and even more terrible nights! I knew everything was lost. At best, fools or liars and traitors could hope for the mercy of the enemy. During these days and nights, hatred grew within me. Hatred towards the instigators of these events. Then I realized my future destiny. And I laughed at the thought of the future, which until recently had given me such worries. Isn't it funny to build houses on such soil? In the end, it became clear to me that something had happened that I had long feared and refused to believe in.”

After Hitler learned about the revolution and the end of the war, he asked to be quickly transferred to Munich. Moreover, his vision has already been restored. On November 21 he was discharged from the hospital. In December 1918, Hitler found himself in the reserve battalion of the 2nd Bavarian Infantry Regiment. The First World War is over for him, but his military service is not yet.

The First World War is one of the main events that influenced the fate of Adolf Hitler and to some extent predetermined his future political career. But, it is all the more important that the first negative reviews, in order to somehow humiliate Hitler the soldier, began to concern the First World War. When Hitler first heard about the declaration of war, as he writes in Mein Kampf: “those hours became for me, as it were, a deliverance from the unpleasant memories of my youth. I am not ashamed to admit that from the delight that gripped me, I fell to my knees and thanked heaven with all my heart for being given the happiness of living at such a time.”

And when World War I began on August 1, 1914, Hitler was delighted by the news of the war. He immediately applied to Ludwig III for permission to serve in the Bavarian army. The very next day he was asked to report to any Bavarian regiment. He chose the 16th Bavarian Reserve Regiment, the “Liszt Regiment,” after the surname of the murdered commander. On 16 August he was enlisted in the 6th Reserve Battalion of the 2nd Bavarian Infantry Regiment No. 16, an all-volunteer unit. On September 1, he was transferred to the 1st company of the Bavarian reserve infantry regiment number 16. On October 8, 1914, he swore allegiance to the King of Bavaria and Emperor Franz Joseph. Soon he was sent to the Western Front.

Adolf Hitler took part in many battles, so he can be classified as a front-line soldier who gained a lot of experience on the fields of the First World War. On October 29, 1914, Hitler took part in his first Battle of the Yser. Then from October 30 to November 24, 1914 - at the Battle of Ypres. And on November 1, 1914, he was awarded the rank of corporal. Soon he was transferred to the position of liaison at the regimental headquarters. After positional battles in Flanders, which took place from November 25 to December 13, 1914, Corporal Adolf Hitler was awarded the Iron Cross, II degree (December 2, 1914).

From December 14, 1914 to March 9, 1915, positional battles took place in French Flanders. And later in 1915, Hitler also participated in the battle of Nav-Chapelle, La Basse and Arras. In 1916, he participated in the reconnaissance and demonstration battles of the 6th Army in connection with the Battle of the Somme, as well as in the Battle of Fromelles and the Battle of the Somme itself.

Wounded in the left thigh by a grenade fragment near Le Bargur in the first Battle of the Somme. He ended up in the Red Cross infirmary in Beelitsa - until March 1917. And in March 1917, the spring battle of Arras began. Also this year, Hitler took part in battles in Artois, Flanders and Upper Alsace. On September 17, 1917, he was awarded the Cross with Swords for military merit, III degree.

In 1918, Hitler took part in the so-called Great Battle of France, in the battles of Evreux and Montdidier. On May 9 of the same year, he was awarded a regimental diploma for outstanding bravery in the battles of Fontane. And a few days later he receives the wounded insignia (black). From May to July, he takes part in the battles of Soissons and Reims, as well as in positional battles between Oise, Marne and Enne; in the offensive battles on the Marne and Champagne. In addition, he participates in defensive battles at Soissons, Reims and the Marne. In August he takes part in the battle of Monsi-Bap. And on October 15, 1918, after gas poisoning near La Montaigne as a result of the explosion of a chemical shell near him, he suffered eye damage and temporarily lost his sight. Then he undergoes treatment in the Bavarian field hospital in Udenard, then in the Prussian rear hospital in Pasewalk, where he learned about the surrender of Germany and the overthrow of the Kaiser.

In total, during the war, Hitler directly participated in 39 battles. During this time he received several wounds. Here are the awards he received during the First World War:

1) December 2, 1914 - Awarded the Iron Cross II degree.

2) September 17, 1917 - Awarded the Cross with Swords for military merit, III degree.

3) May 9, 1918 - Awarded a regimental diploma for outstanding bravery at Fontaine.

4) May 18, 1918 - Receiving the insignia of the wounded.

5) 4.8.1918 - Awarded the Iron Cross, 1st degree.

6) 25. 8. 1918 - Presentation of the service insignia of the 3rd degree.

He was awarded the Iron Cross II degree because their 16th Bavarian Reserve Infantry Regiment named after Wilhelm List suffered heavy losses in battles while trying to break through to the shores of the English Channel. Of the three and a half thousand soldiers, only 600 remained alive. During the battle, Hitler pulled a seriously wounded officer from under fire - Captain Hugo Gutmann, the regiment's adjutant. At the same time, of his three subordinates, two died, and the third was seriously wounded. Hitler survived. He received the Iron Cross of the 1st degree for committing two acts: he captured an enemy detachment - 15 soldiers and officers and, under enemy fire, managed to break through to his own battery and convey the order of his superiors not to shoot at the specified area, since German troops had crossed there. It is worth noting that the Iron Cross, 1st degree, is a rather rare award for such a rank as corporal.

The first rumors about the imaginary and undeserved awarding of insignia to Hitler began to appear from his colleagues. They were company sergeant major Georg Schnell and non-commissioned officer Hans Mend, who after the war distributed the so-called “Mend Protocol”, which contained extremely negative reviews of Hitler as a soldier, allegedly based on personal impressions. And Georg Schnell stated that “Hitler undeservedly received the Iron Cross, First Class. On August 8, 1918, the regimental order announced: “The Iron Cross, 1st class, is awarded to Hitler Adolf, a freelance jewfreiter of the 3rd company.” Since there was no presentation from the company for his award, I immediately contacted the then regimental clerk, Vice-Sergeant Ammann, by telephone and sent a message to the company commander, Rudolf Hess. Every month on the 1st of the month, nominations were submitted for the award of the Bavarian Cross of Merit, and on the fifth of the month for the Iron Cross. These submissions were sent to the regiment, and there Amman added himself and Hitler to the list. It was the most vile scam." His statement can be questioned, if only because Rudolf Hess was not at that time the commander of the List company, where Hitler served. At that time, Hess served as a pilot in the Richthofen squadron, headed by Goering. Such rumors can most likely be explained by either envy or personal relationships. Moreover, during the Weimar Republic, political opponents continued to spread such rumors, which were then revived after 1945.

But there is plenty of evidence from soldiers who personally knew Hitler during the war that he was an exceptionally brave soldier and maintained good friendly relations with his colleagues and was repeatedly encouraged by the command. In the spring of 1922, that is, at a time when there was no need to praise Hitler, several of his colleagues unanimously described the former messenger of their regiment, Adolf Hitler, as an energetic, self-sacrificing, cold-blooded and fearless person. Thus, Lieutenant Colonel von Luneschlos said: “Hitler never failed and was especially suitable for such assignments that were beyond the power of others...”. Lieutenant Colonel Count Anton von Tubef, who awarded him the Iron Cross 1st Class in 1918, also said: “He was tireless in his service and was always ready to help. There was no such situation that he did not volunteer for the most difficult and dangerous task, demonstrating his constant readiness to sacrifice his life for the sake of others and for the sake of the peace of his homeland. From a purely human perspective, he was the closest to me among the soldiers, and in personal conversations I admired his unparalleled love for his homeland, decency and honesty in his views.”

The award citation, which was signed by Lieutenant Colonel von Godin on July 31, 1918, stated: “As a messenger, he showed an example of composure and courage in conditions of both positional and maneuver warfare and always volunteered so that in the most difficult situations with the greatest danger to life deliver the necessary orders. When all lines of communication were cut off in heavy battles, the most important messages, despite all the difficulties, were delivered to their destination thanks to Hitler’s tireless and courageous efforts. Hitler was awarded the Iron Cross, 2nd class, for the Battle of Witschei on December 2, 1914. “I believe that he is absolutely worthy of being awarded the Iron Cross, First Class.”

During an interrogation in September 1948 by Robert Kempner, Regimental Adjutant Fritz Wiedemann responded about the circumstances of Hitler's receipt of the Iron Cross, First Class: “He received it by right. I put together the first performance myself.”

It is also worth saying that the National Socialists themselves largely contributed to the emergence and spread of negative rumors about Hitler’s awarding. They did not want to admit that Hitler received this award, which he proudly wore until his death, at the suggestion of the regimental adjutant, the Jew Hugo Gutmann, after, in difficult combat conditions, he made his way with a message to the location of the German artillery and thereby prevented the opening of fire on his infantry , pulled ahead.

Hitler continued to apply the experience of the First World War. This also applies to German propaganda, which was launched in the Third Reich. Throughout his life, he remained as a commander and strategist, so he was always interested in everything in the smallest detail and made decisions on any small details himself. It is not necessary that this always brought positive results, but the fact is clear. At times, Hitler ignored the military experience he had gained and did the exact opposite. Thus, in Mein Kampf he writes: “Since September 1914, after the first crowds of Russian prisoners of war appeared on the roads and railways of Germany as a result of the Battle of Tannenberg, there was no end in sight to this flow. The huge Russian Empire supplied the Tsar with more and more soldiers and brought more and more victims to the war. How long could Germany withstand this race? After all, one day the day will come when, after the last German victory, another Russian army will appear for the very last battle. What then? According to human ideas, Russia’s victory can only be delayed, but it must come.” And despite this experience, he still hoped to conquer the Soviet Union within a few months in 1941.

Thus, rumors and legends about Hitler began to appear already during the First World War. Although it is documented that Adolf Hitler was a brave soldier who was wounded several times. He repeatedly saved the lives of his colleagues, risking being killed himself. Once he captured four French soldiers. He was awarded, as indicated above, several awards, including the then highest in Germany, the Iron Cross, 1st class. It is unlikely, in my opinion, that a cowardly soldier, hiding behind the backs of his comrades, or deliberately wandering around the infirmaries, could have received so many insignia during the war. Of course, in order to humiliate Hitler in the eyes of the public, these rumors were deliberately picked up and spread after 1945.

Hitler was one of those hundred million soldiers who went through and saw with their own eyes the horrors of the First World War. From there, he, like other front-line soldiers, carried away a feeling of front-line brotherhood. Therefore, it seems to me that the former front-line soldiers followed him first, because they saw “their” person in him. And Hitler himself also relied primarily on former front-line soldiers, like Rudolf Hess, Hermann Goering, Ernst Rehm and others.