Indigenous peoples of the north, Siberia and the Far East of the Russian Federation. Indigenous peoples of Siberia: Khanty

The peoples of average size are the West Siberian Tatars, Khakassians, and Altaians. The remaining peoples, due to their small numbers and similar features of their fishing life, are classified as part of the group of “small peoples of the North”. Among them are the Nenets, Evenks, Khanty, notable for their numbers and preservation of the traditional way of life of the Chukchi, Evens, Nanais, Mansi, and Koryaks.

The peoples of Siberia belong to different linguistic families and groups. In terms of the number of speakers of related languages, the first place is occupied by the peoples of the Altai language family, at least from the turn of our era, which began to spread from Sayan-Altai and the Baikal region to the deep regions of Western and Eastern Siberia.

The Altai language family within Siberia is divided into three branches: Turkic, Mongolian and Tungusic. The first branch - Turkic - is very extensive. In Siberia, it includes: Altai-Sayan peoples - Altaians, Tuvans, Khakassians, Shors, Chulyms, Karagases, or Tofalars; West Siberian (Tobolsk, Tara, Barabinsk, Tomsk, etc.) Tatars; in the Far North - the Yakuts and Dolgans (the latter live in the east of Taimyr, in the Khatanga River basin). Only the Buryats, settled in groups in the western and eastern Baikal region, belong to the Mongolian peoples in Siberia.

The Tungus branch of the Altai peoples includes the Evenks (“Tungus”), living in scattered groups over a vast territory from the right tributaries of the Upper Ob to the Okhotsk coast and from the Baikal region to the Arctic Ocean; Evens (Lamuts), settled in a number of areas of northern Yakutia, on the Okhotsk coast and Kamchatka; also a number of small nationalities of the Lower Amur - Nanais (Golds), Ulchi, or Olchi, Negidals; Ussuri region - Orochi and Ude (Udege); Sakhalin - Oroks.

In Western Siberia, since ancient times, ethnic communities of the Uralic language family have been formed. These were Ugric-speaking and Samoyedic-speaking tribes of the forest-steppe and taiga zone from the Urals to the Upper Ob region. Currently, the Ob-Irtysh basin is inhabited by Ugric peoples - the Khanty and Mansi. The Samoyeds (Samoyed-speaking) include the Selkups on the Middle Ob, the Enets in the lower reaches of the Yenisei, the Nganasans, or Tavgians, on Taimyr, the Nenets inhabiting the forest-tundra and tundra of Eurasia from Taimyr to the White Sea. Once upon a time, small Samoyed peoples lived in Southern Siberia, on the Altai-Sayan Highlands, but their remnants - Karagases, Koibals, Kamasins, etc. - were Turkified in the 18th - 19th centuries.

The indigenous peoples of Eastern Siberia and the Far East are Mongoloid in the main features of their anthropological types. The Mongoloid type of the population of Siberia could genetically originate only in Central Asia. Archaeologists prove that the paleotic culture of Siberia developed in the same direction and in similar forms as the Paleolithic of Mongolia. Based on this, archaeologists believe that it was the Upper Paleolithic era with its highly developed hunting culture that was the most suitable historical time for the widespread settlement of Siberia and the Far East by “Asian” - Mongoloid in appearance - ancient man.

Mongoloid types of ancient “Baikal” origin are well represented among modern Tungus-speaking population groups from the Yenisei to the Okhotsk coast, also among the Kolyma Yukaghirs, whose distant ancestors may have preceded the Evenks and Evens in a large area of Eastern Siberia.

Among a significant part of the Altai-speaking population of Siberia - Altaians, Tuvinians, Yakuts, Buryats, etc. - the most common Mongoloid Central Asian type is widespread, which is a complex racial and genetic formation, the origins of which go back to the Mongoloid groups of early times mixed with each other (from ancient times until the late Middle Ages).

Sustainable economic and cultural types of indigenous peoples of Siberia:

foot hunters and fishermen of the taiga zone;
wild deer hunters in the Subarctic;
sedentary fishermen in the lower reaches of large rivers (Ob, Amur, and also in Kamchatka);
taiga hunters and reindeer herders of Eastern Siberia;
reindeer herders of the tundra from the Northern Urals to Chukotka;
hunters of sea animals on the Pacific coast and islands;
pastoralists and farmers of Southern and Western Siberia, the Baikal region, etc.

Historical and ethnographic areas:

Western Siberian (with the southern, approximately to the latitude of Tobolsk and the mouth of the Chulym on the Upper Ob, and the northern, taiga and subarctic regions);
Altai-Sayan (mountain taiga and forest-steppe mixed zone);
East Siberian (with internal differentiation of commercial and agricultural types of tundra, taiga and forest-steppe);
Amur (or Amur-Sakhalin);
northeastern (Chukchi-Kamchatka).

The Altai language family was initially formed among the very mobile steppe population of Central Asia, outside the southern outskirts of Siberia. The division of this community into proto-Turks and proto-Mongols occurred on the territory of Mongolia within the 1st millennium BC. The ancient Turks (ancestors of the Sayan-Altai peoples and Yakuts) and the ancient Mongols (ancestors of the Buryats and Oirats-Kalmyks) later settled in Siberia, already fully formed separately. The area of origin of the primary Tungus-speaking tribes was also in the Eastern Transbaikalia, from where the movement of foot hunters of the Proto-Evenks began around the turn of our era to the north, to the Yenisei-Lena interfluve, and also subsequently to the Lower Amur.

The Early Metal Age (2-1 millennia BC) in Siberia is characterized by many streams of southern cultural influences that reached the lower reaches of the Ob and the Yamal Peninsula, the lower reaches of the Yenisei and Lena, Kamchatka and the Bering Sea coast of the Chukotka Peninsula. The most significant, accompanied by ethnic inclusions in the aboriginal environment, these phenomena were in Southern Siberia, the Amur region and Primorye of the Far East. At the turn of the 2nd-1st millennium BC. There was a penetration of steppe pastoralists of Central Asian origin into Southern Siberia, the Minusinsk Basin and the Tomsk Ob region, leaving monuments of the Karasuk-Irmen culture. According to a convincing hypothesis, these were the ancestors of the Kets, who later, under pressure from the early Turks, moved further to the Middle Yenisei and partially mixed with them. These Turks are carriers of the Tashtyk culture of the 1st century. BC. - 5th century AD - settled in the Altai-Sayans, in the Mariinsky-Achinsk and Khakass-Minusinsk forest-steppe. They were engaged in semi-nomadic cattle breeding, knew agriculture, widely used iron tools, built rectangular log dwellings, had draft horses and riding domestic reindeer. It is possible that it was through them that domestic reindeer husbandry began to spread in Northern Siberia. But the time of the truly widespread spread of the early Turks across the southern strip of Siberia, north of Sayano-Altai and in the Western Baikal region, is most likely the 6th-10th centuries. AD Between the X and XIII centuries. The movement of the Baikal Turks to the Upper and Middle Lena begins, which marked the beginning of the formation of the ethnic community of the northernmost Turks - the Yakuts and the Dolgans.

The Iron Age, most developed and expressive in Western and Eastern Siberia, in the Amur region and Primorye in the Far East, was marked by a noticeable rise in productive forces, population growth and an increase in the diversity of cultural means, not only in the coastal areas of large river communications (Ob, Yenisei, Lena, Amur ), but also in deep taiga regions. Possession of good vehicles (boats, skis, hand sleds, sled dogs and reindeer), metal tools and weapons, fishing gear, good clothing and portable housing, as well as perfect methods of farming and storing food for future use, i.e. The most important economic and cultural inventions and the labor experience of many generations allowed a number of aboriginal groups to widely settle in the inaccessible, but rich in animals and fish, taiga areas of Northern Siberia, develop the forest-tundra and reach the coast of the Arctic Ocean.

The largest migrations with the widespread development of the taiga and assimilative introduction into the “Paleo-Asian-Yukaghir” population of Eastern Siberia were made by Tungus-speaking groups of foot and reindeer hunters of elk and wild deer. Moving in various directions between the Yenisei and the Okhotsk coast, penetrating from the northern taiga to the Amur and Primorye, coming into contact and mixing with the foreign-speaking inhabitants of these places, these “Tungus explorers” ultimately formed numerous groups of Evenks and Evens and Amur-Coastal peoples . The medieval Tungus, who themselves mastered domestic reindeer, contributed to the spread of these useful transport animals among the Yukagirs, Koryaks and Chukchi, which had important consequences for the development of their economy, cultural communication and changes in the social system.

Development of socio-economic relations

By the time the Russians arrived in Siberia, the indigenous peoples of not only the forest-steppe zone, but also the taiga and tundra were by no means at that stage of socio-historical development that could be considered deeply primitive. Social and economic relations in the leading sphere of production of conditions and forms of social life among many peoples of Siberia reached a fairly high stage of development already in the 17th-18th centuries. Ethnographic materials of the 19th century. state the predominance among the peoples of Siberia of relations of the patriarchal-communal system associated with subsistence farming, the simplest forms of neighborly-kinship cooperation, the communal tradition of owning land, organizing internal affairs and relations with the outside world with a fairly strict account of “blood” genealogical ties in marriage, family and everyday (mainly religious, ritual and direct communication) spheres. The main social-production (including all aspects and processes of production and reproduction of human life), socially significant unit of social structure among the peoples of Siberia was the territorial-neighborhood community, within which everything necessary for existence and production communication, material means and skills, social and ideological relations and properties. As a territorial-economic association, it could be a separate sedentary settlement, a group of interconnected fishing camps, or a local community of semi-nomads.

But ethnographers are also right that in the everyday sphere of the peoples of Siberia, in their genealogical ideas and connections, living remnants of the former relations of the patriarchal-tribal system were preserved for a long time. Among these persistent phenomena is clan exogamy, extended to a fairly wide circle of relatives over several generations. There were many traditions that emphasized the holiness and inviolability of the ancestral principle in the social self-determination of an individual, his behavior and attitude towards people around him. The highest virtue was considered to be mutual assistance and solidarity, even to the detriment of personal interests and affairs. The focus of this tribal ideology was the expanded paternal family and its lateral patronymic lines. A wider circle of relatives of the father’s “root”, or “bone” was also taken into account, if, of course, they were known. Based on this, ethnographers believe that in the history of the peoples of Siberia, the patrilineal system represented an independent, very long stage in the development of primitive communal relations.

Production and everyday relations between men and women in the family and local community were built on the basis of the division of labor by gender and age. The significant role of women in the household was reflected in the ideology of many Siberian peoples in the form of the cult of the mythological “mistress of the hearth” and the associated custom of “keeping the fire” by the real mistress of the house.

The Siberian material of past centuries used by ethnographers, along with the archaic, also shows obvious signs of ancient decline and decomposition of tribal relations. Even in those local societies where social class stratification did not receive any noticeable development, features were found that overcome tribal equality and democracy, namely: individualization of methods for appropriating material goods, private ownership of craft products and objects of exchange, property inequality between families , in some places patriarchal slavery and bondage, the selection and elevation of the ruling clan nobility, etc. These phenomena in one form or another are noted in documents of the 17th-18th centuries. among the Ob Ugrians and Nenets, the Sayan-Altai peoples and the Evenks.

The Turkic-speaking peoples of Southern Siberia, the Buryats and Yakuts at this time were characterized by a specific ulus-tribal organization, combining the orders and customary law of the patriarchal (neighborhood-kinship) community with the dominant institutions of the military-hierarchical system and the despotic power of the tribal nobility. The tsarist government could not help but take into account such a complex socio-political situation, and, recognizing the influence and strength of the local ulus nobility, practically entrusted to them the fiscal and police control of the ordinary mass of accomplices.

It is also necessary to take into account that Russian tsarism was not limited only to collecting tribute from the indigenous population of Siberia. If this was the case in the 17th century, then in subsequent centuries the state-feudal system sought to make maximum use of the productive forces of this population, imposing on it increasingly large payments and in-kind duties and depriving it of the right of supreme ownership of all lands, lands and mineral wealth. An integral part of the economic policy of the autocracy in Siberia was the encouragement of trade and industrial activities of Russian capitalism and the treasury. In the post-reform period, the flow of agrarian resettlement of peasants from European Russia to Siberia increased. Along the most important transport routes, pockets of economically active newcomer populations quickly began to form, which entered into diverse economic and cultural contacts with the indigenous inhabitants of the newly developed areas of Siberia. Naturally, under this generally progressive influence, the peoples of Siberia lost their patriarchal identity (“the identity of backwardness”) and became accustomed to new living conditions, although before the revolution this happened in contradictory and not painless forms.

Economic and cultural types

By the time the Russians arrived, indigenous peoples had developed much more cattle breeding than agriculture. But since the 18th century. Agriculture occupies an increasingly important place among the West Siberian Tatars; it is also spreading among the traditional pastoralists of southern Altai, Tuva and Buryatia. Material and living forms also changed accordingly: strong settled settlements arose, nomadic yurts and half-dugouts were replaced by log houses. However, the Altaians, Buryats and Yakuts for a long time had polygonal log yurts with a conical roof, which in appearance imitated the felt yurt of nomads.

The traditional clothing of the pastoral population of Siberia was similar to Central Asian (for example, Mongolian) and was of the swing type (fur and fabric robe). The characteristic clothing of South Altai cattle breeders was a long-brimmed sheepskin coat. Married Altai women (like Buryat women) wore a kind of long sleeveless vest with a slit in the front - “chegedek” - over their fur coat.

The lower reaches of large rivers, as well as a number of small rivers in North-Eastern Siberia, are characterized by a complex of sedentary fishermen. In the vast taiga zone of Siberia, on the basis of the ancient hunting way of life, a specialized economic and cultural complex of hunters and reindeer herders was formed, which included the Evenks, Evens, Yukaghirs, Oroks, and Negidals. The trade of these peoples consisted of hunting wild elk and deer, small ungulates and fur-bearing animals. Fishing was almost universally a secondary occupation. Unlike sedentary fishermen, taiga reindeer hunters led a nomadic lifestyle. Taiga transport reindeer husbandry is exclusively pack and riding.

The material culture of the hunting peoples of the taiga was completely adapted to constant movement. A typical example of this is the Evenks. Their dwelling was a conical tent covered with reindeer skins and tanned leather (“rovduga”), also sewn into wide strips of birch bark boiled in boiling water. During frequent migrations, these tires were transported in packs on domestic reindeer. To move along the rivers, the Evenks used birch bark boats, so light that they could easily be carried on the back of one person. Evenki skis are excellent: wide, long, but very light, glued with the skin of an elk’s leg. The ancient clothing of the Evenks was adapted for frequent skiing and riding a deer. This clothing is made of thin but warm deer skins - swinging, with flaps diverging in front; the chest and stomach were covered with a kind of fur bib.

The general course of the historical process in various regions of Siberia was dramatically changed by the events of the 16th-17th centuries associated with the appearance of Russian explorers and the eventual inclusion of all of Siberia into the Russian state. Lively Russian trade and the progressive influence of Russian settlers made significant changes in the economy and life of not only the pastoral and agricultural, but also the commercial indigenous population of Siberia. Already by the end of the 18th century. Evenks, Evens, Yukaghirs and other fishing groups of the North began to widely use firearms. This facilitated and quantitatively increased the production of large animals (wild deer, elk) and fur-bearing animals, especially squirrels - the main object of the fur trade of the 18th and early 20th centuries. New occupations began to be added to the original crafts - more developed reindeer husbandry, the use of horse draft power, agricultural experiments, the beginnings of crafts on the local raw material base, etc. As a result of all this, the material and everyday culture of the indigenous people of Siberia also changed.

Spiritual life

The area of religious and mythological ideas and various religious cults was least amenable to progressive cultural influence. The most common form of belief among the peoples of Siberia was.

A distinctive feature of shamanism is the belief that certain people - shamans - have the ability, having brought themselves into a frenzied state, to enter into direct communication with spirits - the shaman's patrons and assistants in the fight against disease, hunger, loss and other misfortunes. The shaman was obliged to take care of the success of the trade, the successful birth of a child, etc. Shamanism had several varieties, corresponding to different stages of social development of the Siberian peoples themselves. Among the most backward peoples, for example, the Itelmens, everyone, and especially old women, could practice shamanism. Remnants of such “universal” shamanism have been preserved among other peoples.

For some peoples, the functions of a shaman constituted a special specialty, but the shamans themselves served a clan cult, in which all adult members of the clan took part. Such “tribal shamanism” was noted among the Yukaghirs, Khanty and Mansi, Evenks and Buryats.

Professional shamanism flourishes during the period of collapse of the patriarchal clan system. The shaman becomes a special person in the community, opposing himself to uninitiated relatives, and lives on income from his profession, which becomes hereditary. It is this form of shamanism that has been observed in the recent past among many peoples of Siberia, especially among the Evenks and the Tungus-speaking population of the Amur, among the Nenets, Selkups, and Yakuts.

The Buryats acquired complex forms under the influence, and from the end of the 17th century. generally began to be replaced by this religion.

The tsarist government, starting from the 18th century, zealously supported the missionary activities of the Orthodox Church in Siberia, and Christianization was often carried out through coercive measures. By the end of the 19th century. Most of the Siberian peoples were formally baptized, but their own beliefs did not disappear and continued to have a significant impact on the worldview and behavior of the indigenous population.

Read on Irkipedia:

Literature

Ethnography: textbook / ed. Yu.V. Bromley, G.E. Markova. - M.: Higher School, 1982. - P. 320. Chapter 10. “Peoples of Siberia.”

Sustainable economic and cultural types of indigenous peoples of Siberia:

foot hunters and fishermen of the taiga zone;
wild deer hunters in the Subarctic;
sedentary fishermen in the lower reaches of large rivers (Ob, Amur, and also in Kamchatka);
taiga hunters and reindeer herders of Eastern Siberia;
reindeer herders of the tundra from the Northern Urals to Chukotka;
hunters of sea animals on the Pacific coast and islands;
pastoralists and farmers of Southern and Western Siberia, the Baikal region, etc.

Historical and ethnographic areas:

Western Siberian (with the southern, approximately to the latitude of Tobolsk and the mouth of the Chulym on the Upper Ob, and the northern, taiga and subarctic regions);
Altai-Sayan (mountain taiga and forest-steppe mixed zone);
East Siberian (with internal differentiation of commercial and agricultural types of tundra, taiga and forest-steppe);
Amur (or Amur-Sakhalin);
northeastern (Chukchi-Kamchatka).

Development of socio-economic relations

Economic and cultural types

Spiritual life

The area of religious and mythological ideas and various religious cults was least amenable to progressive cultural influence. The most common form of belief among the peoples of Siberia was.

The Buryats acquired complex forms under the influence, and from the end of the 17th century. generally began to be replaced by this religion.

Read on Irkipedia:

Literature

Ethnography: textbook / ed. Yu.V. Bromley, G.E. Markova. - M.: Higher School, 1982. - P. 320. Chapter 10. “Peoples of Siberia.”

Features of the peoples of Siberia

In addition to anthropological and linguistic features, the peoples of Siberia have a number of specific, traditionally stable cultural and economic characteristics that characterize the historical and ethnographic diversity of Siberia. In cultural and economic terms, the territory of Siberia can be divided into two large historical regions: the southern region - the region of ancient cattle breeding and agriculture; and the northern one – the area of commercial hunting and fishing. The boundaries of these areas do not coincide with the boundaries of landscape zones. Stable economic and cultural types of Siberia developed in ancient times as a result of historical and cultural processes that were different in time and nature, occurring in conditions of a homogeneous natural and economic environment and under the influence of external foreign cultural traditions.

By the 17th century Among the indigenous population of Siberia, according to the predominant type of economic activity, the following economic and cultural types have developed: 1) foot hunters and fishermen of the taiga zone and forest-tundra; 2) sedentary fishermen in the basins of large and small rivers and lakes; 3) sedentary hunters of sea animals on the coast of the Arctic seas; 4) nomadic taiga reindeer herders-hunters and fishermen; 5) nomadic reindeer herders of the tundra and forest-tundra; 6) cattle breeders of steppes and forest-steppes.

In the past, foot hunters and fishermen of the taiga mainly included some groups of foot Evenks, Orochs, Udeges, separate groups of Yukaghirs, Kets, Selkups, partly Khanty and Mansi, Shors. For these peoples, hunting for meat animals (elk, deer) and fishing were of great importance. A characteristic element of their culture was the hand sledge.

The settled-fishing type of economy was widespread in the past among the peoples living in the river basins. Amur and Ob: Nivkhs, Nanais, Ulchis, Itelmens, Khanty, among some Selkups and Ob Mansi. For these peoples, fishing was the main source of livelihood throughout the year. Hunting was of an auxiliary nature.

The type of sedentary hunters of sea animals is represented among the sedentary Chukchi, Eskimos, and partly sedentary Koryaks. The economy of these peoples is based on the production of sea animals (walrus, seal, whale). Arctic hunters settled on the coasts of the Arctic seas. The products of marine hunting, in addition to satisfying personal needs for meat, fat and skins, also served as an object of exchange with neighboring related groups.

Nomadic taiga reindeer herders, hunters and fishermen were the most common type of economy among the peoples of Siberia in the past. He was represented among the Evenks, Evens, Dolgans, Tofalars, Forest Nenets, Northern Selkups, and Reindeer Kets. Geographically, it covered mainly the forests and forest-tundras of Eastern Siberia, from the Yenisei to the Sea of Okhotsk, and also extended to the west of the Yenisei. The basis of the economy was hunting and keeping deer, as well as fishing.

The nomadic reindeer herders of the tundra and forest-tundra include the Nenets, reindeer Chukchi and reindeer Koryaks. These peoples have developed a special type of economy, the basis of which is reindeer husbandry. Hunting and fishing, as well as marine fishing, are of secondary importance or are completely absent. The main food product for this group of peoples is deer meat. The deer also serves as a reliable means of transportation.

Cattle breeding of the steppes and forest-steppes in the past was widely represented among the Yakuts, the world's northernmost pastoral people, among the Altaians, Khakassians, Tuvinians, Buryats, and Siberian Tatars. Cattle breeding was of a commercial nature; the products almost completely satisfied the population's needs for meat, milk and dairy products. Agriculture among pastoral peoples (except for the Yakuts) existed as an auxiliary branch of the economy. These peoples were partly engaged in hunting and fishing.

Along with the indicated types of economy, a number of peoples also had transitional types. For example, the Shors and northern Altaians combined sedentary cattle breeding with hunting; The Yukaghirs, Nganasans, and Enets combined reindeer herding with hunting as their main occupation.

The diversity of cultural and economic types of Siberia determines the specifics of indigenous peoples' development of the natural environment, on the one hand, and the level of their socio-economic development, on the other. Before the arrival of the Russians, economic and cultural specialization did not go beyond the framework of the appropriating economy and primitive (hoe) farming and cattle breeding. The diversity of natural conditions contributed to the formation of various local variants of economic types, the oldest of which were hunting and fishing.

At the same time, it must be taken into account that “culture” is an extra-biological adaptation that entails the need for activity. This explains so many economic and cultural types. Their peculiarity is their sparing attitude towards natural resources. And in this all economic and cultural types are similar to each other. However, culture is, at the same time, a system of signs, a semiotic model of a particular society (ethnic group). Therefore, a single cultural and economic type is not yet a community of culture. What is common is that the existence of many traditional cultures is based on a certain method of farming (fishing, hunting, sea hunting, cattle breeding). However, cultures can be different in terms of customs, rituals, traditions, and beliefs.

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General characteristics of the peoples of Siberia

The indigenous population of Siberia before the start of Russian colonization was about 200 thousand people. The northern (tundra) part of Siberia was inhabited by tribes of Samoyeds, called Samoyeds in Russian sources: Nenets, Enets and Nganasans.

The main economic occupation of these tribes was reindeer herding and hunting, and in the lower reaches of the Ob, Taz and Yenisei - fishing. The main fish species were arctic fox, sable, and ermine. Furs served as the main product for paying yasak and for trade. Furs were also paid as dowry for the girls they chose as wives. The number of Siberian Samoyeds, including the Southern Samoyed tribes, reached about 8 thousand people.

To the south of the Nenets lived the Ugric-speaking tribes of the Khanty (Ostyaks) and Mansi (Voguls). The Khanty were engaged in fishing and hunting, and had reindeer herds in the area of the Ob Bay. The main occupation of the Mansi was hunting. Before the arrival of the Russian Mansi on the river. Ture and Tavde were engaged in primitive agriculture, cattle breeding, and beekeeping. The settlement area of the Khanty and Mansi included the areas of the Middle and Lower Ob with its tributaries, the river. Irtysh, Demyanka and Konda, as well as the western and eastern slopes of the Middle Urals. The total number of Ugric-speaking tribes in Siberia in the 17th century. reached 15-18 thousand people.

To the east of the settlement area of the Khanty and Mansi lay the lands of the southern Samoyeds, southern or Narym Selkups. For a long time, Russians called the Narym Selkups Ostyaks because of the similarity of their material culture with the Khanty. The Selkups lived along the middle reaches of the river. Ob and its tributaries. The main economic activity was seasonal fishing and hunting. They hunted fur-bearing animals, elk, wild deer, upland and waterfowl. Before the arrival of the Russians, the southern Samoyeds were united in a military alliance, called the Piebald Horde in Russian sources, led by Prince Voni.

To the east of the Narym Selkups lived tribes of the Keto-speaking population of Siberia: Ket (Yenisei Ostyaks), Arins, Kotta, Yastyntsy (4-6 thousand people), settled along the Middle and Upper Yenisei. Their main activities were hunting and fishing. Some groups of the population extracted iron from ore, the products from which were sold to neighbors or used on the farm.

The upper reaches of the Ob and its tributaries, the upper reaches of the Yenisei, the Altai were inhabited by numerous Turkic tribes that differed greatly in their economic structure - the ancestors of modern Shors, Altaians, Khakassians: Tomsk, Chulym and “Kuznetsk” Tatars (about 5-6 thousand people), Teleuts ( White Kalmyks) (about 7–8 thousand people), Yenisei Kirghiz with their subordinate tribes (8–9 thousand people). The main occupation of most of these peoples was nomadic cattle breeding. In some places of this vast territory, hoe farming and hunting were developed. The “Kuznetsk” Tatars developed blacksmithing.

The Sayan Highlands were occupied by Samoyed and Turkic tribes of Mators, Karagas, Kamasins, Kachins, Kaysots, etc., with a total number of about 2 thousand people. They were engaged in cattle breeding, horse breeding, hunting, and knew farming skills.

To the south of the areas inhabited by the Mansi, Selkups and Kets, Turkic-speaking ethnoterritorial groups were widespread - the ethnic predecessors of the Siberian Tatars: Barabinsky, Tereninsky, Irtysh, Tobolsk, Ishim and Tyumen Tatars. By the middle of the 16th century. a significant part of the Turks of Western Siberia (from Tura in the west to Baraba in the east) was under the rule of the Siberian Khanate. The main occupation of the Siberian Tatars was hunting and fishing; cattle breeding was developed in the Barabinsk steppe. Before the arrival of the Russians, the Tatars were already engaged in agriculture. There was home production of leather, felt, bladed weapons, and fur dressing. The Tatars acted as intermediaries in transit trade between Moscow and Central Asia.

To the west and east of Baikal were the Mongol-speaking Buryats (about 25 thousand people), known in Russian sources as “brothers” or “brotherly people”. The basis of their economy was nomadic cattle breeding. The secondary occupations were farming and gathering. The iron-making craft was quite highly developed.

A significant territory from the Yenisei to the Sea of Okhotsk, from the northern tundra to the Amur region was inhabited by the Tungus tribes of the Evenks and Evens (about 30 thousand people). They were divided into “reindeer” (reindeer breeders), which were the majority, and “on foot”. “On foot” Evenks and Evens were sedentary fishermen and hunted sea animals on the coast of the Sea of Okhotsk. One of the main activities of both groups was hunting. The main game animals were moose, wild deer, and bears. Domestic deer were used by the Evenks as pack and riding animals.

The territory of the Amur and Primorye was inhabited by peoples who spoke Tungus-Manchu languages - the ancestors of the modern Nanai, Ulchi, and Udege. The Paleo-Asian group of peoples inhabiting this territory also included small groups of Nivkhs (Gilyaks), who lived in the vicinity of the Tungus-Manchurian peoples of the Amur region. They were also the main inhabitants of Sakhalin. The Nivkhs were the only people of the Amur region who widely used sled dogs in their economic activities.

The middle course of the river The Lena, upper Yana, Olenek, Aldan, Amga, Indigirka and Kolyma were occupied by the Yakuts (about 38 thousand people). This was the most numerous people among the Turks of Siberia. They raised cattle and horses. Hunting for animals and birds and fishing were considered auxiliary industries. Home production of metals was widely developed: copper, iron, silver. They made weapons in large quantities, skillfully tanned leather, wove belts, and carved wooden household items and utensils.

The northern part of Eastern Siberia was inhabited by Yukaghir tribes (about 5 thousand people). The borders of their lands extended from the tundra of Chukotka in the east to the lower reaches of the Lena and Olenek in the west. The northeast of Siberia was inhabited by peoples belonging to the Paleo-Asian linguistic family: Chukchi, Koryaks, Itelmens. The Chukchi occupied a significant part of continental Chukotka. Their number was approximately 2.5 thousand people. The southern neighbors of the Chukchi were the Koryaks (9-10 thousand people), very close in language and culture to the Chukchi. They occupied the entire northwestern part of the Okhotsk coast and the part of Kamchatka adjacent to the mainland. The Chukchi and Koryaks, like the Tungus, were divided into “reindeer” and “foot.”

Eskimos (about 4 thousand people) were settled along the entire coastal strip of the Chukotka Peninsula. The main population of Kamchatka in the 17th century. were Itelmens (12 thousand people). A few Ainu tribes lived in the south of the peninsula. The Ainu were also settled on the islands of the Kuril chain and in the southern tip of Sakhalin.

The economic activities of these peoples were hunting sea animals, reindeer herding, fishing and gathering. Before the arrival of the Russians, the peoples of northeastern Siberia and Kamchatka were still at a rather low stage of socio-economic development. Stone and bone tools and weapons were widely used in everyday life.

Before the arrival of the Russians, hunting and fishing occupied an important place in the life of almost all Siberian peoples. A special role was given to the extraction of furs, which was the main subject of trade exchange with neighbors and was used as the main payment for tribute - yasak.

Most of the Siberian peoples in the 17th century. The Russians were found at various stages of patriarchal-tribal relations. The most backward forms of social organization were noted among the tribes of northeastern Siberia (Yukaghirs, Chukchi, Koryaks, Itelmens and Eskimos). In the field of social relations, some of them noted the features of domestic slavery, the dominant position of women, etc.

The most developed in socio-economic terms were the Buryats and Yakuts, who at the turn of the 16th–17th centuries. Patriarchal-feudal relations developed. The only people who had their own statehood at the time of the arrival of the Russians were the Tatars, united under the rule of the Siberian khans. Siberian Khanate by the middle of the 16th century. covered an area stretching from the Tura basin in the west to Baraba in the east. However, this state formation was not monolithic, torn apart by internecine clashes between various dynastic factions. Incorporation in the 17th century Siberia's inclusion into the Russian state radically changed the natural course of the historical process in the region and the fate of the indigenous peoples of Siberia. The beginning of the deformation of traditional culture was associated with the arrival in the region of a population with a producing type of economy, which presupposed a different type of human relationship to nature, to cultural values and traditions.

Religiously, the peoples of Siberia belonged to different belief systems. The most common form of belief was shamanism, based on animism - the spiritualization of forces and natural phenomena. A distinctive feature of shamanism is the belief that certain people - shamans - have the ability to enter into direct communication with spirits - the shaman's patrons and assistants in the fight against disease.

Since the 17th century Orthodox Christianity spread widely in Siberia, and Buddhism in the form of Lamaism penetrated. Even earlier, Islam penetrated among the Siberian Tatars. Among a number of peoples of Siberia, shamanism acquired complex forms under the influence of Christianity and Buddhism (Tuvians, Buryats). In the 20th century this entire system of beliefs coexisted with the atheistic (materialistic) worldview, which was the official state ideology. Currently, a number of Siberian peoples are experiencing a revival of shamanism.

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The peoples of Siberia on the eve of Russian colonization

Itelmens

Self-name - itelmen, itenmyi, itelmen, iynman - “local resident”, “resident”, “one who exists”, “existing”, “living”. Indigenous people of Kamchatka. The traditional occupation of the Itelmens was fishing. The main fishing season was during the salmon runs. Fishing gear used were locks, nets, and hooks. The nets were woven from nettle threads. With the advent of imported yarn, seines began to be made. The fish was prepared for future use in dried form, fermented in special pits, and frozen in winter. The second most important occupation of the Itelmens was sea hunting and hunting. They caught seals, fur seals, sea beavers, bears, wild sheep, and deer. Fur-bearing animals were hunted mainly for meat. The main fishing tools were bows and arrows, traps, various traps, nooses, nets, and spears. The southern Itelmen hunted whales using arrows poisoned with plant poison. The Itelmens had the widest distribution of gathering among the northern peoples. All edible plants, berries, herbs, roots were used for food. Saran tubers, lamb leaves, wild garlic, and fireweed were of greatest importance in the diet. Gathering products were stored for the winter in dried, dried, and sometimes smoked form. Like many Siberian peoples, gathering was the lot of women. Women made mats, bags, baskets, and protective shells from plants. The Itelmens made tools and weapons from stone, bone and wood. Rock crystal was used to make knives and harpoon tips. Fire was produced using a special device in the form of a wooden drill. The Itelmens' only domestic animal was a dog. They moved along the water on bahts - dugout, deck-shaped boats. Itelmen settlements (“fortresses” - atynum) were located along the banks of rivers and consisted of one to four winter dwellings and four to forty-four summer dwellings. The layout of the villages was distinguished by its disorder. The main building material was wood. The hearth was located near one of the walls of the dwelling. A large (up to 100 people) family lived in such a dwelling. In the fields, the Itelmen also lived in light frame buildings - bazhabazh - gable, lean-to and pyramidal-shaped dwellings. Such dwellings were covered with tree branches and grass, and heated by fire. They wore thick fur clothing made from the skins of deer, dogs, sea animals and birds. The set of casual clothing for men and women included trousers, a jacket with a hood and bib, and soft reindeer boots. The traditional food of the Itelmens was fish. The most common fish dishes were yukola, dried salmon caviar, and chupriki - fish baked in a special way. In winter we ate frozen fish. Pickled fish heads were considered a delicacy. Boiled fish was also used. As additional food they consumed meat and fat of sea animals, plant products, and poultry. The predominant form of social organization of the Itelmens was the patriarchal family. In winter, all its members lived in one dwelling, in summer they broke up into separate families. Family members were related by ties of kinship. Communal property dominated, and early forms of slavery existed. Large family communities and associations were constantly at odds with each other and waged numerous wars. Marriage relationships were characterized by polygamy - polygamy. All aspects of the life and everyday life of the Itelmens were regulated by beliefs and signs. There were ritual festivals associated with the annual economic cycle. The main holiday of the year, which lasted about a month, took place in November, after the end of the fishery. It was dedicated to the master of the sea, Mitgu. In the past, the Itelmens left the corpses of dead people unburied or gave them to dogs to eat; children were buried in tree hollows.

Yukaghirs

Self-name - odul, vadul (“mighty”, “strong”). The outdated Russian name is omoki. Number of people: 1112 people. The main traditional occupation of the Yukaghirs was semi-nomadic and nomadic hunting for wild deer, elk and mountain sheep. They hunted deer with a bow and arrows, placed crossbows on deer paths, set snares, used decoy decoys, and stabbed deer at river crossings. In the spring, deer were hunted in a pen. A significant role in the economy of the Yukaghirs was played by hunting fur-bearing animals: sable, white and blue fox. Tundra Yukaghirs hunted geese and ducks during the birds' molt. The hunt for them was collective: one group of people stretched nets on the lake, the other drove birds deprived of the ability to fly into them. Partridges were hunted using nooses; when hunting seabirds, they used throwing darts and a special throwing weapon - bolas, consisting of belts with stones at the ends. Collecting bird eggs was practiced. Along with hunting, fishing played a significant role in the life of the Yukaghirs. The main fish species were nelma, muksun, and omul. Fish were caught with nets and traps. The traditional means of transportation for the Yukaghirs were dog and reindeer sleds. They moved through the snow on skis lined with camus. An ancient means of transportation on the river was a raft in the shape of a triangle, the top of which formed the bow. The settlements of the Yukaghirs were permanent and temporary, seasonal in nature. They had five types of dwellings: chum, golomo, booth, yurt, log house. The Yukagir tent (odun-nime) is a conical structure of the Tunguska type with a frame of 3–4 poles fastened with hoops made of woven wool. Reindeer skins are used as covering in winter, larch bark in summer. People usually lived in it from spring to autumn. The chum has been preserved to this day as a summer home. The winter dwelling was golomo (kandele nime) - pyramidal in shape. The winter home of the Yukaghirs was also a booth (yanakh-nime). The log roof was insulated with a layer of bark and earth. The Yukaghir yurt is a portable cylindrical-conical dwelling. Sedentary Yukaghirs lived in log houses (in winter and summer) with flat or conical roofs. The main clothing was a knee-length swinging robe, made from rovduga in summer, and deer skins in winter. Tails made of seal skins were sewn onto the bottom. Under the caftan they wore a bib and short trousers, leather in summer, fur in winter. Winter clothing made of rovduga was widespread, similar in cut to the Chukchi kamleika and kukhlyanka. Shoes were made from rovduga, hare fur and reindeer camus. Women's clothing was lighter than men's, made from the fur of young deer or females. In the 19th century Purchased cloth clothing became widespread among the Yukaghirs: men's shirts, women's dresses, and scarves. Iron, copper and silver jewelry were common. The main food was animal meat and fish. The meat was consumed boiled, dried, raw and frozen. Fat was rendered from fish giblets, the giblets were fried, and cakes were baked from caviar. The berry was eaten with fish. They also ate wild onions, sarana roots, nuts, berries and, which was rare for the Siberian peoples, mushrooms. A feature of the family and marriage relations of the taiga Yukaghirs was matrilocal marriage - the husband after the wedding moved to his wife’s house. The Yukaghir families were large and patriarchal. The custom of levirate was practiced - the duty of a man to marry the widow of his older brother. Shamanism existed in the form of tribal shamanism. Deceased shamans could become objects of cult. The shaman's body was dismembered, and its parts were kept as relics and sacrifices were made to them. Customs associated with fire played a big role. It was forbidden to transfer fire to strangers, to pass between the hearth and the head of the family, to swear at the fire, etc.

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Nivkhi

Self-name - nivkhgu - “people” or “Nivkh people”; nivkh – “man”. The outdated name for the Nivkhs is Gilyaks. The traditional occupations of the Nivkhs were fishing, sea fishing, hunting and gathering. An important role was played by fishing for anadromous salmon fish - chum salmon and pink salmon. Fish was caught using nets, seines, harpoons, and traps. Among the Sakhalin Nivkhs, marine hunting was developed. They hunted sea lions and seals. Steller sea lions were caught with large nets, seals were beaten with harpoons and clubs (clubs) when they climbed onto the ice floes. Hunting played a lesser role in the Nivkh economy. The hunting season began in the fall, after the end of the fish run. We hunted a bear that came out to the rivers to feast on fish. The bear was killed with a bow or gun. Another object of hunting among the Nivkhs was sable. In addition to sable, they also hunted lynx, weasel, otter, squirrel and fox. The fur was sold to Chinese and Russian producers. Dog breeding was widespread among the Nivkhs. The number of dogs in a Nivkh household was an indicator of prosperity and material well-being. On the sea coast they collected shellfish and seaweed for food. Blacksmithing was developed among the Nivkhs. Metal objects of Chinese, Japanese and Russian origin were used as raw materials. They were reforged to suit their needs. They made knives, arrowheads, harpoons, spears and other household items. Silver was used to decorate the copies. Other crafts were also common - making skis, boats, sleds, wooden utensils, dishes, processing bones, leather, weaving mats and baskets. In the Nivkh economy there was a sexual division of labor. Men were engaged in fishing, hunting, manufacturing tools, gear, vehicles, preparing and transporting firewood, and blacksmithing. Women's responsibilities included processing fish, seal and dog skins, sewing clothes, preparing birch bark utensils, collecting plant products, housekeeping and caring for dogs. Nivkh settlements were usually located near the mouths of spawning rivers, on the sea coast and rarely numbered more than 20 dwellings. There were winter and summer permanent dwellings. Winter types of housing included dugouts. The summer type of housing was the so-called. letniki - buildings on stilts 1.5 m high, with a gable roof covered with birch bark. The main food of the Nivkhs was fish. It was consumed raw, boiled and frozen. Yukola was prepared and often used as bread. Meat was rarely consumed. The Nivkhs seasoned their food with fish oil or seal oil. Edible plants and berries were also used as seasoning. Mos was considered a favorite dish - a decoction (jelly) of fish skins, seal fat, berries, rice, with the addition of chopped yukola. Other tasty dishes were talkk - a salad of raw fish, seasoned with wild garlic, and planed meat. The Nivkhs became acquainted with rice, millet and tea during trade with China. After the arrival of the Russians, the Nivkhs began to consume bread, sugar and salt. Currently, national dishes are prepared as holiday treats. The basis of the social structure of the Nivkhs was an exogamous* clan, which included blood relatives in the male line. Each genus had its own generic name, indicating the place of settlement of this genus, for example: Chombing - “living on the Chom River. The classic form of marriage among the Nivkhs was marriage to the daughter of the mother's brother. However, it was forbidden to marry the daughter of his father's sister. Each clan was connected by marriage with two more clans. Wives were taken only from one specific clan and given only to a certain clan, but not to the one from which the wives were taken. In the past, the Nivkhs had an institution of blood feud. For the murder of a member of a clan, all men of a given clan had to take revenge on all men of the killer's clan. Later, blood feud began to be replaced by ransom. Valuable items served as ransom: chain mail, spears, silk fabrics. Also in the past, the rich Nivkhs developed slavery, which was patriarchal in nature. Slaves performed exclusively domestic work. They could start their own household and marry a free woman. The descendants of slaves in the fifth generation became free. The basis of the Nivkh worldview was animistic ideas. In each individual object they saw a living principle endowed with a soul. Nature was full of intelligent inhabitants. The owner of all the animals was the killer whale. The sky, according to the Nivkhs, was inhabited by “heavenly people” - the sun and the moon. The cult associated with the “masters” of nature was of a tribal nature. The bear festival (chkhyf-leharnd - bear game) was considered a family holiday. It was associated with the cult of the dead, as it was held in memory of a deceased relative. It included a complex ceremony of killing a bear with a bow, a ritual meal of bear meat, the sacrifice of dogs, and other actions. After the holiday, the head, bones of the bear, ritual utensils and things were stored in a special family barn, which was constantly visited regardless of where the Nivkh lived. A characteristic feature of the Nivkh funeral rite was the burning of the dead. There was also a custom of burial in the ground. During the burning, they broke the sled on which the deceased was brought, and killed the dogs, whose meat was boiled and eaten on the spot. Only members of his family buried the deceased. The Nivkhs had prohibitions associated with the cult of fire. Shamanism was not developed, but there were shamans in every village. The duties of shamans included healing people and fighting evil spirits. Shamans did not take part in the tribal cults of the Nivkhs.

Tuvans

Self-name - Tyva Kizhi, Tyvalar; outdated name - Soyots, Soyons, Uriankhians, Tannu Tuvans. Indigenous population of Tuva. The number in Russia is 206.2 thousand people. They also live in Mongolia and China. They are divided into Western Tuvans of central and southern Tuva and Eastern Tuvans (Tuvan-Todzha) of the northeastern and southeastern parts of Tuva. They speak Tuvan language. They have four dialects: central, western, northeastern and southeastern. In the past, the Tuvan language was influenced by the neighboring Mongolian language. Tuvan writing began to be created in the 1930s, based on the Latin script. The beginning of the formation of the Tuvan literary language dates back to this time. In 1941, Tuvan writing was translated into Russian graphics

The main branch of the Tuvan economy was and remains cattle breeding. Western Tuvans, whose economy was based on nomadic cattle breeding, raised small and large cattle, horses, yaks and camels. Pastures were mainly located in river valleys. During the year, Tuvans made 3-4 migrations. The length of each migration ranged from 5 to 17 km. The herds had several dozen different heads of livestock. Part of the herd was raised annually to provide the family with meat. Livestock farming fully covered the population's needs for dairy products. However, the conditions of keeping livestock (pasture keeping throughout the year, constant migrations, the habit of keeping young animals on a leash, etc.) negatively affected the quality of young animals and caused their death. The technique of cattle breeding itself often led to the death of the entire herd from exhaustion, lack of food, disease, and from attacks by wolves. Livestock losses amounted to tens of thousands of heads annually.

In the eastern regions of Tuva, reindeer husbandry was developed, but Tuvans used reindeer only for riding. Throughout the year, deer grazed on natural pastures. In the summer, the herds were driven to the mountains; in September, squirrels were hunted on deer. The deer were kept openly, without any fences. At night, the calves were released to pasture with their mothers, and in the morning they returned on their own. Reindeer, like other animals, were milked using the suckling method, with young animals being allowed in.

The Tuvans' secondary occupation was irrigation farming using gravity irrigation. The only type of land cultivation was spring plowing. They plowed with a wooden plow (andazyn), which was tied to a horse's saddle. They harrowed with drags from karagannik branches (kalagar-iliir). The ears were cut with a knife or pulled out by hand. Russian sickles appeared among Tuvans only at the beginning of the 20th century. Millet and barley were sown among grain crops. The site was used for three to four years, then it was abandoned to restore fertility.

Among domestic industries, felt production, wood processing, birch bark processing, hide processing and tanning, and blacksmithing were developed. Felt was made by every Tuvan family. It was necessary to cover a portable home, for beds, rugs, bedding, etc. Blacksmiths specialized in making bits, girths and buckles, stirrups, iron tags, flints, adzes, axes, etc. By the beginning of the 20th century. in Tuva there were more than 500 blacksmiths and jewelers, working mainly to order. The range of wood products was limited mainly to household items: yurt parts, dishes, furniture, toys, chess. Women were engaged in processing and dressing the skins of wild and domestic animals. The main means of transportation for Tuvans was riding and pack horses, and in some areas - deer. We also rode bulls and yaks. Tuvans used skis and rafts as other means of transportation.

Five types of dwellings were noted among the Tuvans. The main type of dwelling of nomadic herders is a lattice felt yurt of the Mongolian type (merbe-Og). This is a cylindrical-conical frame building with a smoke hole in the roof. In Tuva, a version of the yurt without a smoke hole is also known. The yurt was covered with 3–7 felt covers, which were tied to the frame with woolen ribbons. The diameter of the yurt is 4.3 m, the height is 1.3 m. The entrance to the dwelling was usually oriented to the east, south or southeast. The door to the yurt was made of felt or board. In the center was a hearth or iron stove with a chimney. The floor was covered with felt. To the right and left of the entrance there were kitchen utensils, a bed, chests, leather bags with property, saddles, harnesses, weapons, etc. They ate and sat on the floor. People lived in a yurt in winter and summer, transporting it from place to place during migrations.

The dwelling of the Tuvinians-Todzhins, hunters and reindeer herders, was a conical tent (Alachi, Alazhi-Og). The design of the chum was made of poles covered with deer or elk skins in winter, and with birch bark or larch bark in summer. Sometimes the design of the chum consisted of several felled young tree trunks placed next to each other with branches left at the top, to which poles were attached. The frame was not transported, only the tires. The diameter of the chum was 4–5.8 m, the height was 3–4 m. 12–18 reindeer skins, sewn with threads from deer tendons, were used to make tires for the chum. In summer, the tent was covered with leather or birch bark tires. The entrance to the tent was from the south. The hearth was located in the center of the dwelling in the form of an inclined pole with a loop of hair rope, to which a chain with a boiler was tied. In winter, tree branches were laid on the floor.

The plague of Todzha cattle breeders (alachog) was somewhat different from the plague of reindeer hunters. It was larger, did not have a pole for hanging the boiler over the fire, larch bark was used as tires: 30-40 pieces. They laid it like tiles, covering it with earth.

Western Tuvans covered the chum with felt tires, fastened with hair ropes. A stove or fire was built in the center. A hook for a cauldron or teapot was hung from the top of the chum. The door was made of felt in a wooden frame. The layout is the same as in a yurt: the right side is for women, the left is for men. The place behind the hearth opposite the entrance was considered honorable. Religious objects were also kept there. The plague could be portable and stationary.

The settled Tuvans had four-walled and five-six coal frame-and-post buildings made of poles, covered with elk skins or bark (borbak-Og). The area of such dwellings was 8–10 m, height – 2 m. The roofs of the dwellings were hipped, vaulted, dome-shaped, sometimes flat. Since the end of the 19th century. settled Tuvans began to build rectangular single-chamber log houses with a flat earthen roof, no windows, and a fireplace on the floor. The area of the dwellings was 3.5x3.5 m. Tuvans borrowed from the Russian population at the beginning of the 20th century. technique for constructing dugouts with a flat log roof. Rich Tuvans built five or six coal log houses-yurts of the Buryat type with a pyramid-shaped roof covered with larch bark with a smoke hole in the center.

Hunters and shepherds built temporary single-pitched or double-pitched frame dwellings-shelters from poles and bark in the form of a hut (chadyr, chavyg, chavyt). The frame of the dwelling was covered with twigs, branches, and grass. In a gable dwelling, the fire was lit at the entrance, in a single-slope dwelling - in the center. Tuvans used log-frame above-ground barns, sometimes covered with earth, as economic buildings.

Currently, nomadic herders live in felt or log polygonal yurts. In the fields, conical and gable frame buildings and shelters are sometimes used. Many Tuvans live in villages in modern standard houses.

Tuvan clothing (khep) was adapted to nomadic life until the 20th century. bore stable traditional features. It was made, including shoes, from tanned skins of domestic and wild animals, as well as from purchased fabrics purchased from Russian and Chinese merchants. According to its purpose, it was divided into spring-summer and autumn-winter and consisted of everyday, festive, fishing, religious and sports.

The shoulder outerwear-robe (mon) was a tunic-like swing. There were no significant differences between men's, women's and children's clothing in terms of cut. It was wrapped to the right (the left floor over the right) and was always girded with a long sash. Only Tuvan shamans did not girdle their ritual costumes during rituals. A characteristic feature of the robe outerwear were long sleeves with cuffs that fell below the hands. This cut saved the hands from spring-autumn frosts and winter frosts and made it possible not to use mittens. A similar phenomenon was noted among the Mongols and Buryats. The robe was sewn almost to the ankles. In spring and summer, they wore a robe made of colored (blue or cherry) fabric. In the warm season, rich Western Tuvan cattle breeders wore torgov ton robes made of colored Chinese silk. In summer, silk sleeveless vests (kandaaz) were worn over the robe. Among Tuvan reindeer herders, a common type of summer clothing was hash ton, which was sewn from worn-out reindeer skins or autumn roe deer rovduga.

Various trade cults and mythological ideas played a significant role in the beliefs of the Tuvans. Among the most ancient ideas and rituals, the cult of the bear stands out. Hunting him was considered a sin. The killing of a bear was accompanied by certain rituals and spells. In the bear, the Tuvans, like all Siberian peoples, saw the spirit-master of fishing grounds, the ancestor and relative of people. He was considered a totem. He was never called by his real name (Adyghe), but allegorical nicknames were used, for example: hayyrakan (lord), irey (grandfather), daay (uncle), etc. The cult of the bear was most clearly manifested in the ritual of the “bear festival”.

Siberian Tatars

Self-name – Sibirthar (residents of Siberia), Sibirtatarlar (Siberian Tatars). In the literature there is a name - West Siberian Tatars. Settled in the middle and southern parts of Western Siberia from the Urals to the Yenisei: in the Kemerovo, Novosibirsk, Omsk, Tomsk and Tyumen regions. The number is about 190 thousand people. In the past, the Siberian Tatars called themselves yasakly (yasak foreigners), top-yerly-khalk (old-timers), chuvalshchiki (from the name of the chuval stove). Local self-names have been preserved: Tobolik (Tobolsk Tatars), Tarlik (Tara Tatars), Tyumenik (Tyumen Tatars), Baraba / Paraba Tomtatarlar (Tomsk Tatars), etc. They include several ethnic groups: Tobol-Irtysh (Kurdak-Sargat, Tara, Tobolsk, Tyumen and Yaskolbinsk Tatars), Barabinsk (Barabinsk-Turazh, Lyubeysk-Tunus and Terenin-Chey Tatars) and Tomsk (Kalmaks, Chats and Eushta). They speak the Siberian-Tatar language, which has several local dialects. The Siberian-Tatar language belongs to the Kipchak-Bulgar subgroup of the Kipchak group of the Altai language family.

The ethnogenesis of the Siberian Tatars is presented as a process of mixing Ugric, Samoyed, Turkic and partly Mongolian population groups of Western Siberia. For example, in the material culture of the Barabinsk Tatars, features of similarity between the Barabinsk people and the Khanty, Mansi and Selkups, and to a small extent - with the Evenki and Kets, have been identified. The Turin Tatars contain local Mansi components. Regarding the Tomsk Tatars, the point of view is held that they are the aboriginal Samoyed population, which experienced strong influence from the nomadic Turks.

The Mongolian ethnic component began to be part of the Siberian Tatars in the 13th century. The most recent influence of the Mongol-speaking tribes was on the Barabins, who in the 17th century. were in close contact with the Kalmyks.

Meanwhile, the main core of the Siberian Tatars were ancient Turkic tribes, which began to penetrate into the territory of Western Siberia in the 5th-7th centuries. n. e. from the east from the Minusinsk Basin and from the south from Central Asia and Altai. In the XI–XII centuries. The Kipchaks had the most significant influence on the formation of the Siberian-Tatar ethnic group. The Siberian Tatars also include tribes and clans of Khatans, Kara-Kypchaks, and Nugais. Later, the Siberian-Tatar ethnic community included the Yellow Uyghurs, Bukharan-Uzbeks, Teleuts, Kazan Tatars, Mishars, Bashkirs, and Kazakhs. With the exception of the Yellow Uighurs, they strengthened the Kipchak component among the Siberian Tatars.

The main traditional occupations for all groups of Siberian Tatars were agriculture and cattle breeding. For some groups of Tatars living in the forest zone, hunting and fishing occupied a significant place in their economic activities. Among the Baraba Tatars, lake fishing played a significant role. The northern groups of Tobol-Irtysh and Baraba Tatars were engaged in river fishing and hunting. Some groups of Tatars had a combination of different economic and cultural types. Fishing was often accompanied by grazing livestock or caring for areas of land sown in fishing areas. Foot hunting on skis was often combined with hunting on horseback.

The Siberian Tatars were familiar with agriculture even before Russian settlers arrived in Siberia. Most groups of Tatars were engaged in hoe farming. The main grain crops grown were barley, oats, and spelt. By the beginning of the 20th century. Siberian Tatars already sowed rye, wheat, buckwheat, millet, as well as barley and oats. In the 19th century the Tatars borrowed the main arable tools from the Russians: a one-horse wooden plow with an iron coulter, “vilachukha” - a plow without a front harness harnessed to one horse; “wheelie” and “saban” - advanced (on wheels) plows harnessed to two horses. When harrowing, the Tatars used a harrow with wooden or iron teeth. Most Tatars used plows and harrows of their own making. Sowing was done manually. Sometimes the arable land was weeded with ketmen or by hand. During the collection and processing of grain, they used sickles (urak, urgyish), a Lithuanian scythe (tsalgy, sama), a flail (mulata - from the Russian “threshed”), pitchforks (agats, sinek, sospak), rakes (ternauts, tyrnauts), a wooden shovel (korek) or a bucket (chilyak) for winnowing grain in the wind, as well as wooden mortars with a pestle (kile), wooden or stone hand-held millstones (kul tirmen, tygyrmen, chartashe).

Cattle breeding was developed among all groups of Siberian Tatars. However, in the 19th century. nomadic and semi-nomadic cattle breeding lost its economic importance. At the same time, at this time the role of domestic stationary cattle breeding increased. More favorable conditions for the development of this type of cattle breeding existed in the southern regions of the Tara, Kainsky and Tomsk districts. The Tatars bred horses, large and small cattle.

Cattle breeding was predominantly of a commercial nature: livestock was raised for sale. They also sold meat, milk, hides, horsehair, sheep wool and other livestock products. Raising horses for sale was practiced.

In warm weather, livestock grazing took place near settlements in specially designated areas (pastures) or on communal lands. For young animals, fences (calf sheds) were set up in the form of a fence inside a pasture, or livestock area. Cattle were usually grazed without supervision; only wealthy Tatar families resorted to the help of shepherds. In winter, cattle were kept in log houses, thatched wicker houses, or in a covered yard under a shed. Men looked after the livestock in winter - they brought in hay, removed manure, and fed them. Women were milking cows. Many farms kept chickens, geese, ducks, and sometimes turkeys. Some Tatar families were engaged in beekeeping. At the beginning of the 20th century. Vegetable gardening began to spread among the Tatars.

Hunting played an important role in the structure of traditional occupations of the Siberian Tatars. They hunted mainly fur-bearing animals: fox, weasel, ermine, squirrel, hare. The objects of hunting also included bear, lynx, roe deer, wolf, and elk. In the summer they hunted moles. The birds caught were geese, ducks, partridges, wood grouse and hazel grouse. The hunting season began with the first snow. We hunted on foot and in winter on skis. Among the Tatar hunters of the Barabinsk steppe, hunting on horseback was common, especially for wolves.

The hunting tools were various traps, crossbows, baits, guns and purchased iron traps were used. They hunted the bear with a spear, lifting it from its den in winter. Elk and deer were caught using crossbows, which were placed on elk and deer trails. When hunting wolves, the Tatars used clubs made of wood with a thickened end covered with an iron plate (checkmers); sometimes hunters used long knives-blades. On the weed, ermine or wood grouse they placed bags, in which meat, offal or fish served as bait. They put cherkans on the squirrel. When hunting hare, nooses were used. Many hunters used dogs. The skins of fur-bearing animals and elk skins were sold to buyers, and the meat was eaten. Pillows and duvets were made from feathers and down of birds.

Fishing was a profitable occupation for many Siberian Tatars. They were practiced everywhere both on rivers and lakes. Fish were caught all year round. Fishing was especially developed among the Baraba, Tyumen and Tomsk Tatars. They caught pike, ide, chebak, crucian carp, perch, burbot, taimen, muksun, cheese, salmon, sterlet, etc. Most of the catch, especially in winter, was sold frozen at city bazaars or fairs. Tomsk Tatars (Eushta people) sold fish in the summer, bringing it to Tomsk live in specially equipped large boats with bars.

Traditional fishing gear were nets (au) and seines (alim), which the Tatars often wove themselves. Seines were divided according to their purpose: ulcer seine (opta au), cheese seine (yesht au), crucian carp seine (yazy balyk au), muksun seine (chryndy au). Fish was also caught using fishing rods (karmak), nets, and various basket-type tools: muzzles, tops and grapples. Wicks and nonsense were also used. Night fishing for large fish was practiced. It was mined by torchlight with a spear (sapak, tsatski) of three to five teeth. Sometimes dams were built on rivers, and the accumulated fish were scooped out with scoops. Currently, fishing has disappeared in many Tatar farms. It retained some significance among the Tomsk, Barabinsk, Tobol-Irtysh and Yaskolbinsk Tatars.

The secondary occupations of the Siberian Tatars included collecting wild edible plants, as well as collecting pine nuts and mushrooms, against which the Tatars had no prejudice. Berries and nuts were exported for sale. In some villages, hops growing in talniks were collected, which were also sold. Carriage played a significant role in the economy of the Tomsk and Tyumen Tatars. They transported various cargoes on horseback to major cities of Siberia: Tyumen, Krasnoyarsk, Irkutsk, Tomsk; transported cargo to Moscow, Semipalatinsk, Irbit and other cities. Livestock and fishery products were transported as cargo; in winter, firewood from cutting sites and timber were transported.

Among the crafts, the Siberian Tatars developed leatherworking, making ropes and sacks; knitting nets, weaving baskets and boxes from willow twigs, making birch bark and wooden utensils, carts, sleighs, boats, skis, blacksmithing, jewelry. The Tatars supplied tanneries with tall bark and leather, and glass factories with firewood, straw and aspen ash.

Natural waterways played an important role as routes of communication among the Siberian Tatars. In spring and autumn, dirt roads were impassable. They moved along the rivers in dugout boats (kama, kema, kima) of a pointed type. The dugouts were made from aspen, and the cedar logs were made from cedar planks. The Tomsk Tatars knew boats made of birch bark. In the past, the Tomsk Tatars (Eushta people) used rafts (sal) to move along rivers and lakes. On dirt roads in summer, goods were transported on carts, in winter - on sleighs or firewood. To transport cargo, the Barabino and Tomsk Tatars used hand-held straight-legged sleds, which the hunters pulled with a strap. The traditional means of transportation for the Siberian Tatars were skis of the gliding type: podvolok (lined with fur) for moving in deep snow and golitsy for walking on hard snow in the spring. Horseback riding was also common among the Siberian Tatars.

Traditional settlements of the Siberian Tatars - yurts, auls, uluses, aimaks - were located mainly along floodplains, lake shores, and along roads. The villages were small (5–10 houses) and located at a considerable distance from each other. The characteristic features of Tatar villages were the lack of a specific layout, crooked narrow streets, the presence of dead ends, and scattered residential buildings. Each village had a mosque with a minaret, a fence and a grove with a clearing for public prayers. There could be a cemetery next to the mosque. Wattle, adobe, brick, log and stone houses served as dwellings. In the past, dugouts were also known.

Tomsk and Baraba Tatars lived in rectangular frame houses woven from twigs and coated with clay - mud huts (utou, ode). The basis of this type of dwelling was made up of corner pillars with transverse poles, which were intertwined with rods. The dwellings were backfilled: earth was poured between two parallel walls, the walls outside and inside were coated with clay mixed with manure. The roof was flat, it was made on slags and matitsa. It was covered with turf and over time overgrown with grass. The smoke hole in the roof also served for lighting. The Tomsk Tatars also had huts that were round in plan, slightly recessed into the ground.

Among the household buildings of the Siberian Tatars there were pens for livestock made of poles, wooden barns for storing food, fishing gear and agricultural equipment, bathhouses built in a black way, without a chimney; stables, cellars, bread ovens. The yard with outbuildings was enclosed with a high fence made of boards, logs or wattle. A gate and a wicket were installed in the fence. Often the yard was enclosed with a fence made of willow or willow poles.

In the past, Tatar women ate food after men. At weddings and holidays, men and women ate separately from each other. Nowadays, many traditional customs related to food have disappeared. Foods that were previously prohibited for religious or other reasons, in particular pork products, came into use. At the same time, some national dishes made from meat, flour, and milk are still preserved.

The main form of family among the Siberian Tatars was a small family (5–6 people). The head of the family was the eldest man in the house - grandfather, father or older brother. The position of women in the family was degraded. Girls were married off at an early age - at 13 years old. His parents were looking for a bride for their son. She wasn't supposed to see her fiancé before the wedding. Marriages were concluded through matchmaking, voluntary departure and forced abduction of the bride. It was practiced to pay kalym for the bride. It was forbidden to marry relatives. The property of the deceased head of the family was divided into equal parts among the sons of the deceased. If there were no sons, then the daughters received half of the property, and the other part was divided among relatives.

Of the folk holidays of the Siberian Tatars, the most popular was and remains Sabantuy - the festival of the plow. It is celebrated after the completion of sowing work. Sabantuy hosts horse racing, racing, long jump competitions, tug-of-war, sack fighting on a balance beam, etc.

The folk art of the Siberian Tatars in the past was represented mainly by oral folk art. The main types of folklore were fairy tales, songs (lyrical, dance), proverbs and riddles, heroic songs, tales of heroes, historical epics. The performance of songs was accompanied by playing folk musical instruments: kurai (wooden pipe), kobyz (reed instrument made of a metal plate), harmonica, tambourine.

Fine art existed mainly in the form of embroidery on clothing. Embroidery subjects – flowers, plants. Of the Muslim holidays, Uraza and Kurban Bayram were widespread and still exist today.

Selkups

The basis of the Nivkh worldview was animistic ideas. In each individual object they saw a living principle endowed with a soul. Nature was full of intelligent inhabitants. Sakhalin Island was presented in the form of a humanoid creature. The Nivkhs endowed trees, mountains, rivers, earth, water, cliffs, etc. with the same properties. The owner of all the animals was the killer whale. The sky, according to the Nivkhs, was inhabited by “heavenly people” - the sun and the moon. The cult associated with the “masters” of nature was of a tribal nature. The bear festival (chkhyf-leharnd - bear game) was considered a family holiday. It was associated with the cult of the dead, as it was held in memory of a deceased relative. For this holiday, a bear was hunted in the taiga or a bear cub was bought, which was fed for several years. The honorable duty of killing a bear was given to the narcs - people from the “son-in-law family” of the organizer of the holiday. For the holiday, all members of the clan gave supplies and money to the owner of the bear. The host's family prepared food for the guests.

The holiday was usually held in February and lasted several days. It included a complex ceremony of killing a bear with a bow, a ritual meal of bear meat, the sacrifice of dogs, and other actions. After the holiday, the head, bones of the bear, ritual utensils and things were stored in a special family barn, which was constantly visited regardless of where the Nivkh lived.

A characteristic feature of the Nivkh funeral rite was the burning of the dead. There was also a custom of burial in the ground. During the burning, they broke the sled on which the deceased was brought, and killed the dogs, whose meat was boiled and eaten on the spot. Only members of his family buried the deceased. The Nivkhs had prohibitions associated with the cult of fire. Shamanism was not developed, but there were shamans in every village. The duties of shamans included healing people and fighting evil spirits. Shamans did not take part in the tribal cults of the Nivkhs.

In ethnographic literature until the 1930s. The Selkups were called Ostyak-Samoyeds. This ethnonym was introduced in the middle of the 19th century. Finnish scientist M.A. Castren, who proved that the Selkups are a special community, which in terms of conditions and way of life is close to the Ostyaks (Khanty), and in language is related to the Samoyeds (Nenets). Another outdated name for the Selkups - Ostyaks - coincides with the name of the Khanty (and Kets) and probably goes back to the language of the Siberian Tatars. The first contacts of the Selkups with the Russians date back to the end of the 16th century. The Selkup language has several dialects. An attempt made in the 1930s to create a single literary language (based on the northern dialect) failed.

The main occupations of all Selkup groups were hunting and fishing. The southern Selkups led a mostly semi-sedentary lifestyle. Based on a certain difference in the ratio of fishing and hunting, they had a division into forest dwellers - Majilkup, who lived on the Ob channels, and Ob inhabitants - Koltakup. The economy of the Ob Selkups (Koltakup) was focused mainly on mining in the river. Obi fish of valuable species. The life support system of the forest Selkups (majilkup) was based on hunting. The main game animals were elk, squirrel, ermine, weasel, and sable. Elk were hunted for meat. When hunting it, they used crossbows placed on the trails and guns. Other animals were hunted using bows and arrows, as well as various traps and devices: jaws, sacks, gags, scoops, snares, dies, traps. They also hunted bears

Hunting for upland game was of great importance for the southern Selkups, as well as for many peoples of Siberia. In the autumn they hunted wood grouse, black grouse and hazel grouse. Upland game meat was usually stored for future use. In summer, moulting geese were hunted on the lakes. The hunt for them was carried out collectively. The geese were driven into one of the bays and caught in nets.

In the Tazovskaya tundra, Arctic fox hunting occupied a significant place in hunting. Modern hunting is developed mainly among the northern Selkups. There are practically no professional hunters among the southern Selkups.

For all groups of southern Selkups, the most important economic activity was fishing. The objects of fishing were sturgeon, nelma, muksun, sterlet, burbot, pike, ide, crucian carp, perch, etc. Fish were caught year-round on rivers and floodplain lakes. She was caught both with nets and traps: cats, snouts, samolov, wicks. Large fish were also caught by spearing and archery. The fishing season was divided into a “small fishery” before the water receded and the sands were exposed, and a “big fishery” after the sands were exposed, when almost the entire population switched to the “sands” and caught fish with nets. Various traps were placed on the lakes. Ice fishing was practiced. In certain places at the mouths of tributaries, spring constipations using stakes were made annually.

Under the influence of the Russians, the southern Selkups began to breed domestic animals: horses, cows, pigs, sheep, and poultry. At the beginning of the 20th century. Selkups began to engage in gardening. The skills of cattle breeding (horse breeding) were known to the ancestors of the southern Selkups at the beginning of the 1st millennium AD. The problem of reindeer herding among the southern Selkup groups remains debatable.

The traditional means of transportation among the southern Selkups are a dugout boat - an oblask, and in winter - skis lined with fur or golits. They walked on skis with the help of a stick-staff, which had a ring on the bottom and a bone hook on top to remove snow from under the foot. In the taiga, the hand sled, narrow and long, was widespread. The hunter usually dragged it himself using a belt loop. Sometimes the sledge was pulled by a dog.

The northern Selkups developed reindeer herding, which had a transport direction. Reindeer herds in the past rarely numbered 200 to 300 deer. Most northern Selkups had from one to 20 heads. The Turukhan Selkups were landless. The deer were never herded. In winter, to prevent the deer from wandering far from the village, wooden “shoes” (mokta) were put on the feet of several deer in the herd. In the summer the deer were released. With the onset of mosquito season, the deer gathered in herds and went into the forest. Only after the end of fishing did the owners begin to look for their deer. They tracked them the same way they tracked wild animals while hunting.

The northern Selkups borrowed the idea of riding reindeer in a sled from the Nenets. When going hunting, the ashless (Turukhan) Selkups, like the southern Selkups, used a hand sled (kanji), on which the hunter carried ammunition and food. In winter they traveled on skis, which were made of spruce wood and covered with fur. They moved along the water in dugout boats called oblaskas. Rowed with one oar, sitting, kneeling and sometimes standing.

The Selkups have several types of settlements: year-round stationary, supplemented seasonal for fishermen without families, stationary winter, combined with portable ones for other seasons, stationary winter and stationary summer. In Russian, Selkup settlements were called yurts. Northern Selkup reindeer herders live in camps consisting of two or three, sometimes five portable dwellings. The taiga Selkups settled along rivers and on the shores of lakes. The villages are small, from two or three to 10 houses.

The Selkups knew six types of dwellings (chum, truncated-pyramidal frame underground and log-frame underground, log house with a flat roof, underground made of beams, boat-ilimka).

The permanent home of the Selkup reindeer herders was a portable tent of the Samoyed type (korel-mat) - a conical frame structure made of poles, covered with tree bark or skins. The diameter of the chum is from 2.5–3 to 8–9 m. The door was the edge of one of the chum tires (24–28 deer skins were sewn together for tires) or a piece of birch bark suspended on a stick. In the center of the plague, a fire pit was built on the ground. The hearth hook was attached to the top of the chum. Sometimes they installed a stove with a chimney. The smoke came out through a hole between the tops of the frame poles. The floor in the tent was earthen or covered with boards to the right and left of the hearth. Two families or married couples (parents with married children) lived in the chum. The place opposite the entrance behind the hearth was considered honorable and sacred. They slept on reindeer skins or mats. In the summer, mosquito curtains were installed.

The winter dwellings of taiga sedentary and semi-sedentary fishermen and hunters were dugouts and semi-dugouts of various designs. One of the ancient forms of dugouts is karamo, one and a half to two meters deep, with an area of 7–8 m. The walls of the dugout were lined with logs. The roof (single or gable) was covered with birch bark and covered with earth. The entrance to the dugout was built towards the river. The karamo was heated by a central fireplace or chuval. Another type of dwelling was a half-dugout "karamushka" 0.8 m deep, with unfortified earthen walls and a gable roof made of slabs and birch bark. The basis of the roof was a central beam resting on a vertical post mounted against the rear wall and two posts with a crossbar mounted against the front wall. The door was made of planks, the fireplace was external. There was also another type of semi-dugout (tai-mat, poi-mat), similar to the Khanty semi-dugout. In dugouts and semi-dugouts they slept on bunks arranged along two walls opposite the fireplace.

As a temporary fishing dwelling among the Selkups, buildings in the form of a lean-to screen (booth) are well known. Such a barrier was placed during a stay in the forest for rest or overnight. A common temporary dwelling of the Selkups (especially among the northern ones) is the kumar - a hut made of semi-cylindrical woven wool with a birch bark covering. Among the southern (Narym) Selkups, birch bark covered boats (alago, koraguand, andu) were common as a summer home. The frame was made of bird cherry twigs. They were inserted into the edges of the sides of the boat, and they formed a semi-cylinder vault. The top of the frame was covered with birch bark panels. This type of boat was widespread in the late 19th – early 20th centuries. among the Narym Selkups and Vasyugan Khanty.

In the 19th century many Selkups (southern Selkups) began to build Russian-type log houses with a gable and hipped roof. Currently, Selkups live in modern log houses. Traditional dwellings (semi-dugouts) are used only as commercial outbuildings.

Among the traditional economic buildings of the Selkups there were piled barns, sheds for livestock, sheds, hangers for drying fish, and adobe bread ovens.

The traditional winter outerwear of the northern Selkups was a fur parka (porge) - an open-front fur coat made of deer skins sewn with the fur facing out. In severe frosts, a sakui was worn over the parka - a thick garment made of deer skins, with the fur facing out, with a sewn hood. Sakuy was used only by men. The parka was worn by both men and women. Men's underwear consisted of a shirt and pants made from purchased fabric; women wore a dress. The winter footwear of the northern Selkups were pimas (pems), sewn from kamus and cloth. Instead of a stocking (sock), combed grass (sedge) was used, which was used to wrap the foot. In the summer they wore Russian shoes and Russian boots. The hats were sewn in the form of a hood from a “pawn” - the skin of a newborn calf, arctic fox and squirrel paws, from the skins and neck of a loon. The ubiquitous headdress for both women and men was a scarf, which was worn in the form of a headscarf. The northern Selkups sewed mittens from kamus with the fur facing out.

The southern Selkups had fur coats made from “combined fur” – ponjel-porg – as outerwear. Such fur coats were worn by men and women. A characteristic feature of these fur coats was the presence of a fur lining, collected from the skins of small fur-bearing animals - the paws of sable, squirrel, ermine, weasel, and lynx. The assembled fur was sewn together in vertical strips. The color selection was done in such a way that the color shades blend into one another. The top of the fur coat was covered with fabric - cloth or plush. Women's fur coats were longer than men's. A long women's fur coat made from prefabricated fur was of significant family value.

As fishing clothing, men wore short fur coats with the fur facing out - kyrnya - made from deer fur or hare skins. In the 19th–20th centuries. Sheepskin sheepskin coats and dog coats became widespread - winter travel clothing, as well as cloth zipuns. In the middle of the 20th century. this type of clothing was replaced by the quilted sweatshirt. The lower shoulder clothing of the southern Selkups - shirts and dresses (kaborg - for shirt and dress) - came into use in the 19th century. The shoulder clothing was girded with a soft woven girdle or leather belt.

The traditional food of the Selkups consisted mainly of fishery products. Fish was prepared in large quantities for future use. It was boiled (fish soup - kai, with the addition of cereal - armagay), fried over a fire on a spit stick (chapsa), salted, dried, dried, yukola was prepared, fish meal - porsa was made. Fish was stored for future use in the summer, during the “big catch.” Fish oil was boiled from fish entrails, which was stored in birch bark vessels and used for food. As a seasoning and addition to the diet, the Selkups consumed wild edible plants: wild onions, wild garlic, saran roots, etc. They ate large quantities of berries and pine nuts. The meat of elk and upland game was also eaten. Purchased products are widespread: flour, butter, sugar, tea, cereals.

There were food prohibitions on eating the meat of certain animals and birds. For example, some groups of Selkups did not eat bear or swan meat, considering them to be close in “breed” to humans. Taboo animals could also be a hare, partridge, wild geese, etc. In the 20th century. The Selkup diet was replenished with livestock products. With the development of gardening - potatoes, cabbage, beets and other vegetables.

The Selkups, although they were considered baptized, retained, like many peoples of Siberia, their ancient religious beliefs. They were characterized by ideas about the spirit owners of places. They believed in the master spirit of the forest (machil vines), the master spirit of water (utkyl vines), etc. Various sacrifices were made to the spirits in order to enlist their support during fishing.

The Selkups considered the god Num, who personified the sky, to be the creator of the whole world, the demiurge. In Selkup mythology, the underground spirit Kyzy was an inhabitant of the underworld, the ruler of evil. This spirit had numerous helping spirits - vines that penetrated the human body and caused illness. To combat diseases, the Selkups turned to the shaman, who, together with his helping spirits, fought against evil spirits and tried to expel them from the human body. If the shaman succeeded in this, then the person recovered.

The Selkups believed that the land they lived in was initially level and flat, covered with grass, moss and forest - the hair of Mother Earth. Water and clay were its ancient primary state. The Selkups interpreted all earthly elevations and natural depressions as evidence of events that took place in the past, both earthly (“battles of heroes”) and heavenly (for example, lightning stones dropped from the sky gave birth to swamps and lakes). For the Selkups, the earth (chvech) was the substance that generated and generated everything. The Milky Way in the sky was represented by a stone river that passes to the ground and flows. Ob, closing the world into a single whole (southern Selkups). The stones that are placed on the ground to give it stability also have a celestial nature. They also store and give heat, generate fire and iron.

The Selkups had special sacrificial places associated with religious rituals. They were a kind of sanctuary in the form of small log barns (lozyl sessan, lot kele) on one stand-leg, with wooden spirits - vines - installed inside. The Selkups brought various “sacrifices” to these barns in the form of copper and silver coins, dishes, household items, etc. The Selkups revered the bear, elk, eagle, and swan.

The traditional poetic creativity of the Selkups is represented by legends, the heroic epic about the hero of the Selkup people, the cunning Itya, various types of fairy tales (chapte), songs, and everyday stories. Even in the recent past, the genre of improvised songs of the “what I see, I sing” type was widely represented. However, with the loss of the Selkup skills of speaking the Selkup language, this type of oral creativity practically disappeared. Selkup folklore contains many references to old beliefs and cults associated with them. Selkup legends tell about the wars waged by the ancestors of the Selkups with the Nenets, Evenks, and Tatars.

1. Features of the peoples of Siberia

2. General characteristics of the peoples of Siberia

3. Peoples of Siberia on the eve of Russian colonization

1. Features of the peoples of Siberia

In addition to anthropological and linguistic features, the peoples of Siberia have a number of specific, traditionally stable cultural and economic characteristics that characterize the historical and ethnographic diversity of Siberia. In cultural and economic terms, the territory of Siberia can be divided into two large historical regions: 1) southern - the region of ancient cattle breeding and agriculture; and 2) northern – the area of commercial hunting and fishing. The boundaries of these areas do not coincide with the boundaries of landscape zones. Stable economic and cultural types of Siberia developed in ancient times as a result of historical and cultural processes that were different in time and nature, occurring in conditions of a homogeneous natural and economic environment and under the influence of external foreign cultural traditions.

2. General characteristics of the peoples of Siberia

The history of Siberian peoples goes back thousands of years. Since ancient times, great people lived here, preserving the traditions of their ancestors, respecting nature and its gifts. And just as the vast lands of Siberia are vast, so are the diverse peoples of the indigenous Siberians.

Altaians

According to the results of the population census in 2010, the Altaians number about 70,000 people, which makes them the largest ethnic group in Siberia. They live mainly in the Altai Territory and the Altai Republic.

The nationality is divided into 2 ethnic groups - Southern and Northern Altaians, differing both in their way of life and the characteristics of their language.

Religion: Buddhism, shamanism, Burkhanism.

Teleuts

Most often, Teleuts are considered an ethnic group related to the Altaians. But some distinguish them as a separate nationality.

They live in the Kemerovo region. The number is about 2 thousand people. Language, culture, faith, traditions are inherent to the Altaians.

Sayots

Sayots live on the territory of the Republic of Buryatia. The population numbers about 4,000 people.

Being descendants of the inhabitants of the Eastern Sayans - the Sayan Samoyeds. The Sayots have preserved their culture and traditions since ancient times and to this day remain reindeer herders and hunters.

Dolgans

The main settlements of Dolganov are located on the territory of the Krasnoyarsk Territory - Dolgano-Nenets municipal district. The number is about 8,000 people.

Religion – Orthodoxy. The Dolgans are the northernmost Turkic-speaking people in the world.

Shors

Adherents of shamanism, the Shors, live mainly in the Kemerovo region. The people are distinguished by their distinctive ancient culture. The first mentions of the Shors go back to the 6th century AD.

The nationality is usually divided into mountain taiga and southern Shors. The total number is about 14,000 people.

Evenks

The Evenks speak the Tungusic language and have been hunting since time immemorial.

The nationality numbers about 40,000 people settled in the Republic of Sakha-Yakutia, China and Mongolia.

Nenets

A small nationality of Siberia, they live near the Kola Peninsula. The Nents are a nomadic people engaged in reindeer herding.

Their number is about 45,000 people.

Khanty

More than 30,000 Khanty live on the territory of the Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug and the Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous Okrug. They engage in hunting, reindeer herding, and fishing.

Many of the modern Khanty consider themselves Orthodox, but some families still profess shamanism.

Muncie

One of the oldest indigenous Siberian peoples is Mansi.

Ivan the Terrible also sent entire armies to battle with Mansi during the development of Siberia.

Today their number numbers about 12,000 people. They live mainly on the territory of the Khanty-Mansiysk Autonomous Okrug.

Nanai people

Historians call the Nanais the oldest people of Siberia. The number is about 12,000 people.

They mainly live in the Far East and along the banks of the Amur River in China. Nanai is translated as - people of the earth.