Who is a Sulla in ancient Rome? Lucius Cornelius Sulla

Dictator Sulla

The dictatorship of Sulla was established in Rome at the end of 82 or the beginning of 81 BC, at the end of the civil war between the democratic (Marians) and senate-aristocratic (Sullans) parties (otherwise they are also called populares and optimates). This bloody war lasted several years, accompanied by an external struggle with the Asian king Mithridates of Pontus. The commander Lucius Cornelius Sulla, having defeated the democrats, arrogated to himself emergency powers to carry out a broad reform of the Roman political system. The main essence of this reform was to weaken the role of the people's assembly (comitia) and the people's tribunes in order to restore the predominance of the aristocrats of the senatorial class who dominated Rome in those times that Sulla himself considered the era of the highest rise of national valor. A conservative romantic of the glorious heroic antiquity, the dictator Sulla did not realize that the situation of his homeland had changed dramatically since then. From a small Central Italian state, Rome became the center of a huge power stretching along all the shores of the Mediterranean. Such an extensive formation could no longer be managed in an aristocratic manner, as the Roman-Latin alliance was managed during its struggle for supremacy over the Apennines. The new world role of Rome inevitably attracted it to the weakening of both the democratic and oligarchic principles and to the establishment of monarchism. Sulla acted contrary to this historical predestination, so his reforms did not last long and were canceled soon after the death of the formidable dictator. However, Cornelius Sulla managed to free Rome from complete anarchy for a time, and his historical contribution, despite everything, remains very important. The article below examines both the good and the dark sides of Sulla's dictatorship.

Sulla's victory in the civil war

Having defeated the democrats in the civil war, Sulla began to act with merciless cruelty. Having summoned the Senate to the temple of the goddess Bellona, ​​he ordered six thousand captive Samnites and Campanians to be brought to a nearby building and killed all of them, while he severely reprimanded the Senate. “Pay no attention to these cries,” he is said to have told the Senate when the groans of the unarmed prisoners were heard. “These are several scoundrels whom I ordered to teach a lesson.” Having taken the city of Praeneste, where Mari the Younger was still defending himself, Sulla calmly ordered to kill all the inhabitants capable of bearing arms, along with the Samnite garrison - a total of 12 thousand people. Mari the son killed himself during the surrender of the city.

All this served only as a prelude to what Sulla then did in order to introduce and strengthen the changes he proposed. He intended to form a new one from the forms of the ancient state structure, the soul of which would be a strong aristocracy, and in order to make it unshakable, Sulla, not embarrassed by anything, decided to destroy everything that contradicted his plans or did not fully correspond to the new order of things. The basis of the new order was to be the Senate aristocracy, and the laws issued during the dictatorship of Sulla were designed to give it an advantage over the popular crowd. A man like Sulla, who had assimilated all the education and depravity of his age, who stood at that unattainable height of happiness, where everything divine and human, the lives of thousands of people, all their knowledge, opinions and beliefs seemed insignificant and worthy of contempt, a man who saw everything, enjoyed everything and was tired of everything, who, standing at the head of an army of 120 thousand, did not spare a single sanctuary in Greece and Asia Minor, was quite suitable for establishing a new state order.

Sullan proscriptions

After beating the Praenestians, Sulla gathered the Roman people and announced to them that he had decided, for the common good, to make changes in the state structure and at the same time to destroy all his enemies and the enemies of the people. Then he ordered proscription lists to be nailed to the squares, in which the names of everyone doomed by him to death were included. For the murder of someone included in these lists, each was promised a reward of two talents (about 3,000 rubles in silver); a slave was allowed to kill his master, a son was allowed to kill his father. The estate of the proscripts passed to the new ruler of Rome and all their offspring were declared excluded from all public positions. At the same time, the sons of convicted senators, deprived of their inheritance and all the advantages of their class, had to continue to fulfill all its duties! Such a cruel measure had never been heard of in Rome. All the horrors committed by the aristocrats during the time of the Gracchi or some other Saturninus, Sulpicium and Marius, were insignificant in comparison with the actions of Sulla; Never before had it occurred to any Roman to openly condemn to death the entire mass of his opponents, to take away their property and enrich the murderers at their expense. Sulla was the first to introduce these terrible measures, which destroyed all mutual relations based on trust between the Romans. Unfortunately, his mode of action found too zealous imitators in subsequent usurpers and Roman emperors. Sulla then almost doubled the proscription lists published on the first day. Not only everyone who took up arms against Sulla became victims of the proscriptions - the same fate befell the completely innocent, and, by the way, everyone who showed sympathy for the condemned man or provided him with patronage. The robbers and murderers who were tools of Sulla used proscriptions to include their creditors and personal enemies in the lists. Catiline, who later became so famous, having previously killed his brother, ordered that he be included in the list of proscripts in order to avoid punishment. Some of Sulla's followers died in the same way. He himself looked at all this completely indifferently: by destroying all opponents, he thought to prepare a solid foundation for his new institutions - what would it mean to him if 10 thousand more or less people died. The principles by which he was guided, and the merciless perseverance with which he applied them to the cause, are clearly visible, both in the manner of his actions during these scenes of murder, and in the significant words he uttered on one occasion. He showed the cold and deliberate cruelty of some African ruler of the blacks and gave audiences at the same time as the heads of the proscripts lay at his feet. When one day one of the senators asked him when the executions would end, he answered completely calmly that he himself did not know yet, and immediately ordered a new list of proscripts to be made public. The number of those killed as a result of Sulla’s proscriptions is not known for certain, but, according to rough estimates, the number of all citizens who died from proscriptions before the introduction of Sulla’s dictatorship and in the internecine war extended to 100 thousand. The number of the first is believed to be 40 thousand and among them 2,600 horsemen, 90 senators and 15 people who were once consuls.

Establishment of Sulla's emergency dictatorship

Having killed several thousand of his fellow citizens by sheer arbitrariness, Sulla tried to give his further actions the appearance of legality and for this purpose forced himself to be proclaimed a dictator, connecting with this title a concept that it had never had before. He ordered himself to be elected not for six months and not for one specific government purpose (as always happened when appointing dictators), but for an indefinite period and for an arbitrary transformation of the state structure. Even the very method of electing Sulla as dictator was completely unusual. Until then he was elected not by the Senate, but by the people, dictator alone, Fabius Maximus Cunctator, after the Battle of Lake Trasimene. This served as an example, and the people were ordered as follows: Sulla was elected dictator for such a period as it would be necessary for him to introduce a new governmental organization, and he was given the power to give the state such forms and laws as he recognized as the best. Sulla used this unlimited power to introduce an aristocratic system, as far as it corresponded to his views. He did not at first think of proclaiming himself the unlimited ruler of Rome and establishing a monarchy, because the passion for sensual pleasures was stronger than ambition in him, and the honor of becoming a tyrant, in his opinion, was not worth the labor and dangers associated with it. But, in order to give more force to his commands in case of need, he formed for himself a gens of clients and bodyguards from ten thousand slaves belonging to the nobles who were subject to proscription, and tied them with inextricable bonds to his fate by not only freeing them, but giving them citizenship rights, part of the confiscated estates and named them after his last name Cornelia. The dictator Sulla adopted the nickname at this time Felix, that is, happy, attributing all his successes not to his own merits, but only to happiness.

Sulla's reforms

Montesquieu believes that the main goal of Sulla’s dictatorship was to return the Roman people to their ancient morals, but if the new ruler of Rome had such an intention, he would not have indulged in voluptuousness and all sensual pleasures for the rest of his life. Wanting in words to restore the ancient state structure of the era of the highest development of Roman virtues, the dictator Sulla most of all wanted to found a new aristocracy and make democracy forever impossible. He tried to connect his institutions with ancient forms of government and, in general, to retain everything that was possible from the old. The laws by which Sulla sought to achieve his goal, and which were called after him the laws of Cornelius, were as wise as the cruel measures with which he wanted to prepare the ground for them. There is no doubt that it would have been much better if the dictator Sulla had understood that not an aristocracy, but only a well-organized constitutional monarchy was the form of government that best suited the needs of the Romans of that time. The renewal of the title of dictator, which for more than a hundred years had seemed completely out of use, was incomparably stranger than the founding of a monarchy, because the dictatorship of Sulla was a tyranny and military despotism, and such a violent domination, once established, could serve as an infectious example for every enterprising commander.

Wanting to give the aristocracy more strength and power, Sulla deprived the tribunes of the people of their former influence, decreeing that only one senators should be elected to this position. Those who agreed to accept the title of tribune were forever deprived of the right to hold any other position. In addition, Sulla limited the veto of the tribunes to certain cases and made it dependent on the decision of the Senate. The Senate itself, which had been significantly reduced during the storms of the internecine war, he strengthened by appointing three hundred new members from the equestrian class. The dictator Sulla also increased the number of officials; quaestors - up to twenty, praetors - up to eight, and high priests and augurs - up to fifteen. He further decreed a rule that a certain gradualness should be observed in the distribution of positions, and he left the replenishment of the college of high priests, which had recently passed to the people, to its own election as before. With similar measures, Sulla thought to destroy the influence of some families and restore again the power of the aristocracy, which had turned into an oligarchy. Sulla also tried to put a limit to the claims of some individual nobles by issuing a decree according to which the Senate had the right to suspend laws only in the presence of a certain number of members. For the same reason, he forbade generals and governors from starting a war without the permission of the Senate, which had previously happened quite often. During the dictatorship of Sulla, the power of trial, which had been taken away from it since the time of Gaius Gracchus, was restored to the Senate, and at the same time strict regulations were issued against abuses of judicial power. Sulla also tried to weaken the tyranny of the Romans over the provinces and allied states and, in general, to connect the interests of their inhabitants with the interests of the ruling aristocracy, in order to give it even more opportunities to keep the popular masses in Rome and the monetary aristocracy of the horsemen in dependence. This includes, among other things, laws against extortion and forgery issued during the dictatorship of Sulla. To raise the deeply fallen morality of the Romans, he established by special laws strict penalties against adultery, poisoning, perjury, forgery of documents and coins and other crimes. As excellent were such decrees and the intentions underlying them, so harmful were the other two laws. One of them confirmed the orders of the dictator Sulla regarding the property and offspring of the proscripts, and, consequently, a significant number of citizens were forever excluded from holding government positions. Others were ordered to found several colonies in Italy, and to resettle in them, at the expense of the state, as a reward for their services, all the citizens (among 120 thousand) who had once served under the command of Sulla. To carry out this last measure, Sulla ordered the destruction and expulsion from their homes of the inhabitants of cities and regions who showed a hostile disposition towards him.

Sulla's dictatorship did not achieve its goal because it could not change the spirit of the times. The example of Sulla himself caused such harm that all the changes he undertook did not atone for. The best laws of the era of Sulla's dictatorship were not enforced or remained in force for a short time, while the proscriptions and confiscations of property he began were subsequently carried out on the most extensive scale. The disastrous examples of Sulla and his friends not only further corrupted the law, but also paralyzed all laws aimed at purifying public morality, and the excessive wastefulness and debauchery to which he and the entire entourage of the dictator indulged made it impossible for him to restore a real aristocracy as he had planned and should have only to promote the formation of a new oligarchy. Since then, following the example of Sulla and his friends, everyone who managed to reach the highest positions surrounded himself with the same pomp that Sulla introduced. Debts and the dependence of some families on others again began to spread among the aristocracy, constantly increasing as officials multiplied, as a result of Sulla’s law on positions. During the dictatorship of Sulla, his friends Lucullus, Pompey, Crassus, Metellus and others formed a new oligarchy. Sulla himself enjoyed such unlimited power that no Roman had achieved before him, and the omnipotent influence he granted to his servant Chrysogonus, was the prelude to that rule of freedmen and confidants, which a hundred years later reached such a terrible development under the Roman emperors.

Sulla's renunciation of dictatorship

Sulla's emergency dictatorship lasted two years (81 and 80 BC): in the first year he ordered the election of two consuls who were completely subordinate to him. In the second, he himself was both dictator and consul, appointing Metellus Pius as his comrade. In the third year (79 BC) Sulla not only refused the consulate, but completely unexpectedly resigned his dictatorial power; tired morally and physically, he strove only for peace and pleasure and could leave business with complete confidence that no one would dare to change a single letter in his regulations, and that if he wanted, he could seize dictatorship again at any time. Sulla no longer had any opponents who could measure their strength with him: they were all completely destroyed in the first two years of his dictatorship, having fled after the defeat of their troops to Sicily, Africa and Spain. Those who fled to Spain, led by Sertorius, were defeated by one of Sulla's legates and forced to hide in a remote part of the peninsula. However, Papirius Carbona, Roying Domitius Ahenobarbus, Cinna’s son-in-law and other opponents of Sulla’s dictatorship managed to gather up to 20 thousand people in Sicily and Africa and win over to their side one of the significant Numidian rulers, Giarba. Sulla sent his favorite Pompey against them, giving him, even in his very young years, the opportunity to earn general respect for himself and from that moment become one of the main characters in history. Sulla, who considered himself more a darling of fate than a great man, gave Pompey preference over all his generals, because in his very first exploits he noticed the same favor of fate that, during his own youth, had placed in his hands Yugurtha and covered him with such glory in the war with the Cimbri. Of course, delving deeper into all the circumstances, we will not find anything surprising in the fact that Pompey, elevated by Sulla, could already play such a significant role in the twenty-third year of his life. During the allied war, his father, Gnaeus Pompeius Strabo, exterminated almost all the Piceni and established a new settlement in their country, which from that time considered itself something of a client of him and his family. Moreover, through various shameful means, he accumulated enormous wealth for himself and thereby gave his son the opportunity to further consolidate his hereditary influence. By death Zinny, this young man, without holding any public position, formed a special detachment for himself in Picenum, attracted the remnants of his father’s army, and with this force he himself created, he went to meet Sulla in order to unite with him. On the way, he came across the consul Scipio, who, having lost his troops who had gone over to Sulla, formed a new army for himself; Having lured this army away from him, Pompey annexed it to his own. Having then defeated Papirius Carbo, who thought to block his path, he finally successfully united with Sulla. Sulla was so delighted with the exploits of the young man that at the first meeting he greeted him as emperor, an honorary title that was given very rarely and only to the most excellent commanders. During the years of his dictatorship, Sulla always showed extreme affection for Pompey, which, perhaps, was facilitated by the fact that of all those around Sulla, this young man expressed the greatest readiness to carry out all the violent measures of his boss. Pompey continued to actively participate in the civil war in Italy and was sent by the dictator Sulla against his enemies who fled to Sicily and Africa. Pompey defeated and captured Papirius Carbo; but he dishonored himself by subjecting the most undignified humiliation, and then the death penalty, to this man who had once saved his fortune before the court. From Sicily, Pompey, on the orders of Sulla, went to Africa to wage war against Domitius and Giarbus. At the head of six legions, it was not difficult for him to defeat both enemies, all of whose forces he destroyed with one blow. Twenty-four-year-old Pompey (81 BC) returned to Rome, blinded by happiness, crowned with victory and proud of the knowledge that the all-powerful dictator Sulla himself primarily owed him the establishment of his rule. From that time on, Sulla stopped trusting him, and their friendship began to cool, although the cunning dictator was careful not to alienate the young man who knew how to tie the army to himself to such an extent.

Having resigned his dictatorial power, Sulla retired from business and went to his Campanian estate. Here he indulged in completely unbridled sensuality and voluptuousness. Sulla's debauchery was the cause of a disgusting illness, which a year after his abdication ended his life with a painful death. The successor to Sulla's glory and the head of the aristocratic party became Gnaeus Pompey the Great, who owed him his first happiness - just as Sulla himself owed him part of his victories.

Dictatorship of Sulla

In Rome itself, the seizure of power by the Sullans was marked by unheard-of atrocities. The Marian terror of 87 was a weak anticipation of what happened in 82-81. In the orgy of murder that erupted in the first days and frightened even Sulla’s friends, he brought a certain “order” through the use of so-called proscriptions, or proscription lists (proscriptiones, or tabulae proscriptionis), where he entered the names of persons declared outlaws and subject to destruction.

“Immediately,” writes Appian, “Sulla sentenced up to 40 senators and about 1.6 thousand so-called horsemen to death. Sulla, it seems, was the first to draw up lists of those sentenced to death and assigned gifts to those who would kill them, money to those who would inform, punishments to those who would hide the condemned. A little later, he added others to the proscribed senators. All of them, being captured, unexpectedly died where they were overtaken - in houses, in back streets, in temples; some rushed to Sulla in fear and were beaten to death at his feet, others were dragged away from him and trampled. The fear was so great that none of those who saw these horrors even dared to utter a word. Some suffered expulsion, others suffered confiscation of property. Those who fled from the city were searched everywhere by detectives and whoever they wanted was put to death... The reasons for the accusation were hospitality, friendship, giving or receiving money on a loan. People were taken to court even for a simple service provided or for company during a trip. And they were most savage against the people of the rich. When the individual accusations were exhausted, Sulla attacked the cities and punished them... Sulla sent colonists from the soldiers serving under his command to most of the cities in order to have his own garrisons throughout Italy; Sulla divided the land that belonged to these cities and the living quarters in them among the colonists. This endeared them to him even after his death. Since they could not consider their position secure until Sulla’s orders were strengthened, they fought for Sulla’s cause even after his death.”

Sulla did not limit his reprisals to the living: the corpse of Marius was dug out of the grave and thrown into the river Anien.

The proscription system was in effect until June 1, 1981. As a result, about 5 thousand people died. She enriched not only Sulla himself, but also his associates, who bought the property of the proscribed for next to nothing. In these terrible days, Crassus, Sulla's freedman Chrysogonus, and others laid the foundations of their wealth.

Of the slaves owned by outlaws, Sulla set free 10 thousand of the youngest and strongest. They received the name Cornelius and formed a kind of guard of Sulla, his immediate support. The same support was provided by 120 thousand former soldiers of Sulla who received land plots in Italy.

Legally, Sulla formalized his dictatorship according to the strictest requirements of the Roman constitution. Since both consuls of 82 (Carbon and Mari the son) died, the Senate declared an interregnum. The interregnum, princeps of the Senate L. Valerius Flaccus, introduced a bill to the comitia, according to which Sulla was declared dictator for an indefinite period “to issue laws and establish order in the state” (“dictator regress legibus scribundis et reipublicae constituendae”). The terrorized popular assembly approved Valerius's proposal (November 82), which became law (lex Valeria). So, even Sulla proceeded from the idea of ​​popular sovereignty.

Having become a dictator, Sulla, as befitted a republican dictator, appointed Valerius Flaccus as his commander of the cavalry. However, despite this constitutional comedy, Sulla's dictatorship differed in essence (and also in form) from the old dictatorship. It was unlimited both in time and in the scope of its functions, since Sulla’s power extended to all aspects of state life, and not just to a certain range of issues, as was the case in previous times. Sulla could, if he wished, allow ordinary magistrates next to him or rule alone. He was freed in advance from any responsibility for his actions.

But there was an even greater difference in substance. Sulla's power was purely military in nature. It grew out of civil wars and relied on a professional army. Of course, this circumstance did not deprive it of its class character: it was a dictatorship of the Roman slave-owning class, mainly the nobility, for which it served as a means of fighting the revolutionary democratic movement. But the nature of her origin gave her some peculiar features that make Sulla the first emperor in the new, and not in the republican, meaning of the word.

Although Sulla, as stated above, had the right, granted to him by the law of Valerius, to do without higher ordinary magistrates, he did not do this. The external form of the republic was preserved. Officials were elected annually in the usual manner (in 80 Sulla himself was one of the consuls). Laws were introduced into the people's assembly. The reform of the comitia centuriata, carried out by Sulla in 88, was now not renewed, since the comitia obediently carried out all the wishes of the all-powerful dictator.

However, Sulla renewed and even expanded all his old measures against democracy. Bread distributions were cancelled. The power of the tribunes of the people was reduced to a fiction. They could act legislatively and judicially only with the prior approval of the Senate. They retained the right to intercession, but they were subject to a fine for “inappropriate interference.” In addition, former tribunes of the people were prohibited from holding curule positions. This decision deprived the people's tribunate of any attractiveness for persons who wanted to make a political career.

Sulla established a strict procedure for passing the magistracy: one could not become a consul without first passing through the praetorship, and one could not stand for the latter before passing the questorship. As for aedileship, it was not included in this ladder of magistracy, since it was assumed that every politician would certainly pass through the position of aedile, which opened up wide opportunities to gain popularity. The old rule was restored (plebiscite of Genutius 342) that a 10-year interval was required for the second election to consuls.

Sulla increased the number of praetors to 8, quaestors to 20, which was caused by the growing need of the state for the administrative apparatus. Former quaestors mechanically became members of the Senate. Since in this case the senators were declared irremovable, one of the most important functions of the censors - replenishing the Senate - was eliminated. The economic responsibilities of the censors were transferred to the consuls, and thus censorship was actually abolished.

Sulla's constitutional reforms formally pursued the goal of restoring the dominance of the aristocracy. It is natural, therefore, that he placed the Senate at the head of the state. All the old rights and prerogatives of the Senate were restored. In particular, the judicial law of Gaius Gracchus was repealed and the courts were again transferred to the senators. The standing commissions of the criminal courts have been significantly improved and their number increased. However, in the spirit of Drusus's reform, the number of senators was replenished by electing 300 new members from the equestrian class by tribe. In fact, the younger sons of senators, Sullan officers and “new people” who emerged to the surface of political life during the last coup turned out to be elected. In this way, the beginning was laid for the formation of a new nobility, which was supposed to serve as a support for the Sullan order. Under the banner of the restoration of the senatorial republic, Sulla strengthened his personal dictatorship.

Among Sulla's activities, the administrative structure of Italy should be especially noted. This was one of his most lasting and progressive reforms. Here Sulla legally formalized the state of affairs that was created as a result of the Allied War. Sulla kept his promise given in his message to the Senate: the new Italian citizens retained all their rights up to an equal distribution among all 35 tribes. Now, with the weakening of democracy, this did not threaten the new order. In this regard, Sulla precisely defined the boundaries of Italy in the proper sense of the word. Its northern border was supposed to be a small river. Rubicon, which flowed into the Adriatic Sea north of Arimin. The part of modern Italy that lay between the Rubicon and the Alps formed the province of Cisalpine Gaul. It was divided into large urban areas, to which the Gallic tribes were assigned in the transpadan part. Italy proper was divided into small municipal territories with the right of self-government. Many Italian cities, on the lands of which Sulla settled his veterans, were renamed civil colonies. Sulla also reformed to a certain extent the tax system in the provinces, partially eliminating tax farming in Asia, which was supposed to weaken the horsemen.

Sulla's dictatorial powers were unlimited. But already in 80, without resigning these powers, he accepted the title of consul (Metellus was his colleague), and in 79 he refused re-election. Soon after the new consuls of 79 took office, Sulla convened a popular assembly and announced that he was resigning his dictatorial powers. He dismissed the lictors and the guards and said that he was ready to give an account of his activities if anyone so desired. Everyone was silent. Then Sulla left the platform and, accompanied by his closest friends, went home.

“When he was returning home, only one boy began to reproach Sulla, and since no one was holding the boy back, he boldly walked with Sulla to his house and continued to scold him along the way. And Sulla, inflamed with anger at high-ranking people, at entire cities, calmly endured the boy’s scolding. Only upon entering the house did he consciously or accidentally utter prophetic words about the future: “This boy will serve as a hindrance to any other person who has the power that I had, from laying it down”” (Appian. Civil Wars, I, 104, trans. C . A. Zhebeleva).

Soon after this scene, Sulla left for his Campanian estate. Although he was almost not involved in government affairs, preferring to fish and write memoirs, in fact his influence continued until his death, which followed in 78 from some illness. Sulla died at the age of 60. The state gave him a funeral of extraordinary pomp.

The unexpected renunciation of the power of the all-powerful dictator has served and continues to serve as the subject of countless guesses and assumptions. However, if you approach the matter not only from a subjective psychological point of view, Sulla’s act will no longer seem so incomprehensible. Of course, psychological motives could play a rather large role here. Sulla was old, fed up with life; it is possible that he had been suffering from some serious incurable disease for a long time (there are indications of this in the sources). However, this apparently was not the decisive motive. Sulla, with his broad mind and vast administrative experience, could not help but understand that the order he established was fragile. He saw perfectly well how many people harbored a passionate hatred against him and were only waiting for the right moment to rise up against his entire system. He was clearly aware of the weakness of the social base on which he relied. And he preferred to voluntarily resign from power at the moment when it reached its apogee, rather than wait for the building he built to collapse and bury him under its ruins.

The historical role of Sulla was great. Whatever his subjective goals, objectively it was he who laid the foundations of the state system that Caesar subsequently expanded and strengthened and which we call the empire. The principle of a permanent military dictatorship while maintaining the republican form, the destruction of democracy, the weakening of the Senate while strengthening it externally, the improvement of the administrative and judicial apparatus, the expansion of citizenship rights, the municipal structure of Italy - all these measures will subsequently reappear in the activities of Sulla’s successors and will become an organic part of the state structure of Rome.

Many historians have turned to the study of the life and work of Sulla. However, to this day T. Mommsen’s point of view remains one of the most popular, which is largely facilitated by the stunningly expressive characterization given by the German scientist to the dictatorship of Sulla. He, in particular, writes: “Posterity did not appreciate either Sulla’s personality or his reforms; it is unfair to people going against the flow of time. In fact, Sulla is one of the most amazing phenomena in history, perhaps the only one of its kind... Sulla's laws are not the creation of a political genius, as, for example, the institutions of Gracchus or Caesar were. There is not a single new political thought in them, as is, however, characteristic of any restoration... However, it should be remembered that Sulla was responsible for his restoration to a much lesser extent than the Roman aristocracy, which for centuries was the ruling clique and with Every year she sank more and more into senile flabbiness and bitterness. Everything colorless in this restoration, as well as all its atrocities, came from the Roman aristocracy... Sulla, in the words of the poet, was here only the executioner’s ax, which unconsciously follows the conscious will. Sulla played this role with amazing, one might say, demonic perfection. But within this role, his activities were not only grandiose, but also useful. Never before had an aristocracy, which had fallen so deeply and was falling ever deeper, found such a defender as Sulla was for the then Roman aristocracy - a defender who was willing and able to serve it equally with sword and pen, as a commander and legislator, and did not even think of this is about his personal power... Not only the aristocracy, but the whole country owed more to Sulla than posterity recognized... For more than half a century, the power of Rome fell, and constant anarchy reigned in the cities. For the government of the Senate under the Gracchian institutions was anarchy, and even greater anarchy was the government of Cinna and Carbo. It was the darkest, most intolerable, most hopeless political situation imaginable, truly the beginning of the end. It can be said without exaggeration that the long-shaken Roman Republic would inevitably have collapsed if Sulla had not saved it by his intervention in Asia and Italy. Of course, Sulla's regime turned out to be as short-lived as Cromwell's, and it was not difficult to see that the building erected by Sulla was not durable. But we must remember that without Sulla the stream would probably have carried away not only the building, but also the construction site itself. .. The statesman will not downplay the significance of Sulla’s ephemeral restoration; he will not treat it with contempt... He will admire the reorganization of the Roman Republic, which was correctly conceived and, in general, and generally carried out consistently amid unspeakable difficulties. He will rate the Savior of Rome, who completed the unification of Italy, lower than Cromwell, but will still place him next to Cromwell” (Mommsen T. History of Rome. T. II. M., 1937. P. 345-351).

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Sulla came from a gradually fading patrician family, whose representatives had not held senior government positions for a long time. Sulla's great-great-grandfather, Publius Cornelius Rufinus, was consul and 277 BC. e. , great-grandfather and grandfather (both were called Publius) were praetors, and his father, Lucius Cornelius Sulla, failed to achieve praetorship. It is also known that Sulla had a brother, Servius.

Sulla grew up in poor surroundings. Subsequently, when Sulla became one of the most influential people in Rome, he was often reproached for betraying his modest lifestyle. However, Sulla still received a good education (in particular, he was fluent in Greek and knew Greek literature well). At the same time, Sulla led a dissolute lifestyle in his youth (for this he is especially strongly condemned by his main biographer, the moralist Plutarch).

Early career

Sulla began his service about 3 years later than others - as the personal quaestor of Gaius Marius in 108. Gaius Marius, elected consul for 107, had to go to Africa, where Rome was mired in the war with King Jugurtha's Numidia (which began in 110). Sulla was to be accompanied by Marius. Sulla's first task was to gather a significant auxiliary cavalry army in Italy and transfer it to North Africa. It took Sulla only a few months to cope with this and establish herself at her best. The legate of Gaius Marius, the former praetor Aulus Manlius, soon allowed him to negotiate with the Mauretanian king Bocchus, to whom Sulla even provided the opportunity to increase his territory and hinted to him to avoid abuses: “Be thoroughly imbued with the idea that no one has ever surpassed the Roman people in generosity; as for his military strength, you have every reason to know it.”.

Armed attack by Sulla

When Sulla found out about this, he considered it necessary to resolve the matter by armed force. He convened a meeting of his army, which also sought to go on a campaign against Mithridates, looking at the campaign as a profitable enterprise and thinking that now Gaius Marius would recruit another army in their place. At the meeting, Sulla spoke about the impudent act of Sulpicius and Maria in relation to him, without clearly talking about everything else: he did not yet dare to talk about the upcoming war against them, but only convinced the army to be ready to carry out his orders. The soldiers understood what Sulla had in mind, and, fearing for themselves, lest they should lose the campaign, they themselves discovered Sulla’s intentions and demanded that he lead them boldly to Rome. The delighted Sulla immediately sent six legions on the campaign. The commanders of the army, with the exception of only one quaestor, not agreeing to lead the army against their homeland, fled to Rome. On the way, Sulla was met by ambassadors from there and asked him why he was going home with armed force. Sulla answered them: free her from the tyrants. He repeated the same thing twice and three times to the other ambassadors who came to him, adding nevertheless that if they want, then let them gather the Senate with Marius and Sulpicius on the Field of Mars, and he will then act in accordance with the decision made. When Sulla was already approaching Rome, his fellow consulate, Pompey, appeared and approved of his action, expressing his pleasure at everything that was happening and placing himself entirely at his disposal. Gaius Marius and Publius Sulpicius, who needed some more time to prepare for the fight, sent new ambassadors to Sulla, as if on instructions from the Senate. The ambassadors asked Sulla not to camp near Rome until the Senate discussed the situation. Sulla and Quintus Pompey, well understanding the intentions of Maria and Sulpicius, promised to do so, but as soon as the ambassadors left, they followed them.

Sulla's events

Meanwhile, in Rome, Sulla, despite the fact that he, as the first to capture the city with the help of armed force, could, perhaps, become the sole ruler, voluntarily abandoned the use of violence after taking revenge on his enemies. Having sent the army to Capua, Sulla again began to rule as consul. For their part, supporters of the expelled, especially those belonging to the wealthy, as well as many rich women, having recovered from the fear of armed action, persistently sought the return of the exiles. They achieved this by all means, not stopping at any expense or malicious intent on the lives of the consuls, knowing that while they were alive, the return of the exiles was impossible. Sulla had at his disposal, even after his consulate expired, an army entrusted to him by decree for the war with Mithridates, and it guarded him. Another consul, Quintus Pompey, the people, out of pity for the dangerous situation in which he was in, appointed the ruler of Italy and the commander of another army that was supposed to defend it and which was then under the command of Gnaeus Pompey Strabo. The latter, having learned about the appointment of Quintus Pompey in his place, was dissatisfied with this; however, when Quintus arrived at his headquarters, he received him and the next day, during a business conversation, he showed that he, as a private person, was ready to give him his place. But at this time, a large number of people surrounding them, pretending that they were listening to the conversation between Quintus Pompey and Gnaeus Pompey, killed the consul. When the others fled, Gnaeus Pompey came out to them and expressed his indignation at the death of the illegally killed consul, but, having poured out his anger, he immediately took command.

Sulla, having convened the Senate to elect new consuls, condemned Marius himself and several other people to death, including the people's tribune Sulpicius. Sulpicius, betrayed by his slave, was killed (Sulla first freed this slave and then ordered him to be thrown from a cliff), and Sulla placed a reward on Maria’s head, thereby revealing neither prudence nor decency - after all, it was not long before he arrived at Maria’s house and surrendering to his mercy, was released unharmed. The Senate was secretly annoyed at this, but the people actually made Sulla feel their hostility and indignation. Thus, having failed in the consular elections with disgrace, Nonius, Sulla’s nephew, and Servilius, who sought positions, the people gave these positions to those whose election, as they expected, would cause Sulla the greatest grief.

Sulla pretended that this pleased him - after all, thanks to him, the people, they say, enjoy the freedom to do as they want - and in order to ward off the hatred of the crowd, he promoted Lucius Cinna, who belonged to the camp of his opponents, to the consulship, taking from him a sealed with terrible oaths a promise to support the cause of Sulla. Cinna went up to the Capitol and, holding a stone in his hand, took the oath of allegiance, sealing it with the following spell: if he does not maintain a good attitude towards Sulla, let him be thrown out of the city, like this stone thrown by his own hand. After this, in the presence of many witnesses, he threw the stone to the ground. But having taken office, Cinna immediately began to undermine the foundations of the existing order. He prepared a court case against Sulla, entrusting the prosecution to one of the people's tribunes - Virginia. But Sulla, wishing both the accuser and the judges long health, went to war with Mithridates.

War with Mithridates

Greece and Asia Minor before the performance of Mithridates

In 87, Sulla arrived from Italy to Greece to take revenge on Mithridates for shed Roman blood.

Military actions of the First Mithridatic War

Sulla won victories over the prefects of Mithridates in the Athens region, and in two battles - at Chaeronea and at Orkhomenes, he occupied Athens and completely defeated the army of Pontus. Then Sulla, having crossed over to Asia, found Mithridates in Dardanus begging for mercy and ready to accept everything. Having imposed tribute on him and confiscated some of his ships, he forced him to leave Asia and all other provinces that he occupied by force of arms. He freed the captives, punished defectors and criminals, and ordered that the king be content with the borders of his ancestors, that is, Pontus.

At this time, the Marians ruled Italy. Gnaeus Octavius, the legal consul, was killed in the Forum and his head was put on public display.

Italian Civil War 83-82 BC

Military actions of the civil war 83-82 BC.

Having landed in Brindisia, Sulla, not having a numerical advantage, quickly subjugated southern Italy and, together with the nobles who joined him, defeated all the Marian troops. The latter suffered a crushing defeat and were either killed or expelled from Italy.

Dictatorship of Sulla

Adopting the title of perpetual dictator

Sulla came to power in 82. The question arose: how will Sulla rule - like Gaius Marius, Cinna and Carbone, that is, through indirect means, such as crowd control through terror, intimidation, or as a legally issued ruler, even as a king? Sulla called on the Senate to elect the so-called interregnum - interrex, since there were no consuls at that time: Gnaeus Papirius Carbo died in Sicily, Gaius Marius the Younger - in Praeneste. The Senate elected Valerius Flaccus in the hope that he would propose holding elections for consuls. Then Sulla instructed Flaccus to submit the following proposal to the national assembly: in his opinion, Sulla, it would be useful for Rome at the present time to have a dictatorial government, although this custom ceased 120 years ago. The one who is elected must rule for an indefinite period, but until Rome, Italy, the entire Roman state, shaken by internecine strife and wars, strengthens. This proposal had Sulla himself in mind - there was no doubt about it. Sulla himself could not hide this and at the end of his message openly stated that, in his opinion, it was he who would be useful to Rome at the present time.

Coin depicting Sulla

A decree was passed through the national assembly, which not only relieved Sulla of responsibility for everything he had done before, but also for the future gave him the right to execute by death, confiscate property, found colonies, build and destroy cities, give and take away thrones.

Proscriptions

Sulla drew up a proscription list of eighty people without communicating with any of the magistrates. An explosion of general indignation followed, and a day later Sulla announced a new list of two hundred and twenty people, then a third - no less. After that, he addressed the people and said that he included in the lists only those whom he remembered, and if anyone escaped his attention, he would make other such lists.

Signs were hung at the Forum with the names of those who should have been eliminated. The murderer of the proscribed man, who brought Sulla's head as evidence, received two talents (40 kg) of silver; if it was a slave, then he received freedom. The informers also received gifts. But those who dared to shelter Sulla’s enemies faced death. The sons and grandsons of the convicted were deprived of their civil honor, and their property was subject to confiscation in favor of the state. Many of Sulla's associates (for example, Pompey, Crassus, Lucullus) made enormous wealth through property sales and the inclusion of rich people in proscriptions.

Proscriptions were rampant not only in Rome, but throughout all cities of Italy. Neither the temples of the gods, nor the hearth of hospitality, nor the father's house protected from murder; husbands died in the arms of their wives, sons in the arms of their mothers. At the same time, those who fell victims of anger and enmity were only a drop in the ocean among those who were executed for the sake of their wealth. The executioners had reason to say that so-and-so was ruined by his huge house, this one by his garden, another by his warm baths.

But it seems that the most incredible thing is the case of Lucius Catilina. At a time when the outcome of the war was still in doubt, he killed his brother, and now began to ask Sulla to include the deceased in the proscription lists as alive. Sulla did just that. In gratitude for this, Catiline killed a certain Mark Marius, a member of the hostile party, and brought his head to Sulla, who was sitting in the Forum, and then went to the crypt of Apollo located nearby and washed his hands.

Consequently, when compiling proscriptions, great attention was paid to the property of those included in the lists. The deprivation of children and grandchildren of the rights to inherit the property of those killed convincingly proves that proscriptions were arranged not only for the purpose of reprisals against political opponents, but also for the purpose of appropriating the property of those proscribed.

Government reforms

To preserve the appearance of the original state system, Sulla allowed the appointment of consuls in 81 BC. e. Marcus Tullius and Cornelius Dolabella became consuls. Sulla himself, as having the highest power and being a dictator, stood above the consuls. Before him, as before a dictator, walked 24 lictors with fasces, the same number accompanying the previous kings. Numerous bodyguards surrounded Sulla. He began to repeal existing laws and issued others in their place.

Among the most famous measures of Sulla is the law on magistrates - lex Cornelia de magistratibus, which established new age limits for those wishing to occupy senior government positions and created some restrictions to curb rapid careers. Thus, the age limit began to be 29 years for a quaestor (according to the law of Villius 180 BC - lex Willia annalis- this age was 27 years), 39 years for a praetor (33 years according to the Villian law) and 42 years for a consul (36 years according to the Villian law). That is, at least 10 years had to pass between the performance of the positions of quaestor and praetor. By the same law, Sulla also forbade holding the position of praetor before holding the position of quaestor, and the position of consul before holding the position of praetor (previously, these norms were often violated, since they were not yet enshrined in law). In addition, this law made it prohibited to hold the same position after less than 10 years.

Sulla also sharply reduced the influence of the office of the people's tribunes, depriving it of all significance and by law prohibiting the people's tribune from holding any other position. The consequence of this was that all those who valued their reputation or origin began to shy away from the post of tribune in subsequent times. Perhaps the reason for limiting the power and prestige of the people's tribunes for Sulla was the example of the brothers Tiberius and Gaius Gracchi, as well as Livy Drusus and Publius Sulpicius, who, from the point of view of the patricians and Sulla, caused a lot of evil to the state.

To the number of members of the Senate, completely depopulated due to internecine strife and wars, Sulla added up to 300 new members from the most noble horsemen, and the voting of each of them was entrusted to the tribes. Sulla included into the national assembly, granting them freedom, over 10,000 of the youngest and strongest slaves who belonged to previously killed Romans. Sulla declared all of them Roman citizens, calling them Cornelia after his own name, in order to thereby be able to use the votes of 10,000 members of the national assembly who were ready to carry out all his orders. He intended to do the same in relation to the Italians: he allocated the soldiers of 23 legions (up to 120,000 people) who served in his army with a large amount of land in the cities, part of which had not yet been redistributed, part of which was taken away as a fine from the cities.

Sulla himself presented all his actions to the people as the “establishment of the republic,” that is, as an improvement of the unwritten Roman republican constitution.

Sulla's life after the dictatorship

When Sulla resigned, he added in the forum that if anyone demanded, he was ready to give an answer to everything that had happened, that he abolished the lictors for himself, dismissed his bodyguards and for a long time alone, only with his friends, appeared among the crowd, which even now still looked at him with fear. When he was returning home, only one boy began to reproach Sulla, and since no one was holding the boy back, he boldly walked with Sulla to his house and continued to scold him along the way. And Sulla, inflamed with anger at high-ranking people, at entire cities, calmly endured the boy’s scolding. Only upon entering the house did he consciously or accidentally utter prophetic words about the future:

Unknown Sulla's disease

At this time, Sulla developed symptoms of an unknown illness.

For a long time he did not know that he had ulcers in his insides, but meanwhile his whole body began to rot and began to become covered with a countless number of lice. Many were busy day and night removing them from him, but what they managed to remove was only a drop in the bucket compared to what was being born again. His entire dress, bath, water for washing, food were swarming with this decomposing stream - this is how his illness developed. Many times a day he took a dip in the water to wash his body and cleanse himself. But everything was useless.

Death and funeral

Sulla not only foresaw his death, but even wrote about it. Two days before his death, he completed the twenty-second book of his Memoirs, where he says that the Chaldeans predicted to him that, having lived a wonderful life, he would die at the height of happiness. There, Sulla says that his son appeared to him in a dream, who died a little earlier than Metella. Badly dressed, he, standing by the bed, asked his father to abandon his worries, go with him to his mother, Metella, and live with her in peace and quiet. However, Sulla did not abandon government affairs. And the day before his death, he learned that Granius, who held one of the highest positions in the city, awaiting the death of Sulla, was not returning the money he owed to the treasury. Sulla called him to his bedchamber, and, surrounding him with his servants, ordered him to be strangled. From the screams and convulsions, Sulla's abscess burst, and he vomited copiously blood. After this, his strength left him, and after spending a difficult night, he died.

In Rome, Sulla's death immediately caused internecine strife. Some demanded that Sulla's body be carried solemnly throughout Italy, exhibited in Rome at the forum and buried at public expense. But Lepidus and his supporters opposed this. However, Catulus and the Sullans prevailed. Sulla's body was transported throughout Italy and delivered to Rome. It rested in royal vestments on a golden bed. The lodge was followed by many trumpeters, horsemen and other armed crowds on foot. Those who served under Sulla flocked from everywhere to the procession in full armor, and as they arrived, they immediately lined up in due order. Other masses of people, free from work, also came running. Before Sulla's body they carried banners and axes with which he had been decorated during his lifetime, when he was a ruler.

The procession took on its most magnificent character when it approached the city gates and when Sulla’s body began to be carried through them. Here they carried more than 2,000 hastily made golden wreaths, gifts from the cities and legions that served under Sulla’s command, from his friends. It is impossible to count the other luxurious gifts sent to the funeral. Sulla's body, out of fear of the assembled army, was accompanied by all the priests and priestesses in separate colleges, the entire Senate, and all officials with the distinctive signs of their power. A crowd of so-called horsemen and, in separate detachments, the entire army serving under the command of Sulla followed in magnificent attire. It all hurriedly came running, as all the soldiers were in a hurry to take part in the sad ceremony, with their gilded banners, in their silver-plated weapons. There were an endless number of trumpeters, who took turns playing sad funeral songs. Loud lamentations were uttered first by senators and horsemen in turn, then by the army, finally by the people, some truly grieving for Sulla, others out of fear of him - and then they were no less afraid of his army and his corpse than during his life. For at the sight of everything that was happening, at the memory of what Sulla had done, they were filled with fear and had to agree with their opponents that he was indeed the happiest of men, but even dead was the most terrible opponent for them. When Sulla's corpse was placed on the pulpit in the forum, from where speeches are made, the funeral speech was given by the best orator of that time, because Sulla's son, Faust, was still very young. After this, the strongest of the senators lifted the corpse onto their shoulders and carried it to the Campus Martius, where only kings were buried. The funeral pyre was surrounded by horsemen and troops.

The inscription for the tombstone is said to have been written and left by Sulla himself. Its meaning is that no one did more good to friends and evil to enemies than Sulla.

Personal life

The first object of Sulla's passion was the rich freedwoman Nicopolis, much older than him. His first wife was Julia, the younger sister of Julia Maria, who bore him a daughter, Cornelia. After divorcing her, Sulla married Caecilia Metella, daughter of Lucius Caecilius Metella of Dalmatia and widow of Marcus Aemilius Scaurus. Sulla showed her great respect. Although Sulla thereby established ties with the most powerful plebeian family of the time, not all the aristocracy calmly accepted this unequal alliance, especially after the civil war. When doctors declared that Caecilia's illness was incurable, the pontiffs came to warn him that he must refuse it, otherwise it could desecrate Sulla and the house while he was sacrificing to Hercules. From now on he was forbidden to approach her. After her death, Sulla violated the law he had issued on financial restrictions on the funerals of aristocrats. Sulla's son from Cecilia, Lucius, died less than six years ago in the winter of 82/81 BC. e. After Cecilia gave birth to twins shortly before her death, Sulla violated the onomastic religious rites of his time to give the children the names Faust and Fausta, which were not used in Rome. Sulla married for the last time at the age of 59. His chosen one was Valeria Messala. The last child was a girl, Postumia.

Evaluation of Sulla's activities

Sulla was the first person in Rome to use the legions given to him by the Senate to start a civil war and seize power. But although Sulla seized power with the help of the army (moreover, with the help of active military action), he held it without the direct intervention of troops. Sulla was also the first to be elected dictator not for 6 months, as required by the unwritten Roman constitution, but “until Rome, Italy, the entire Roman state, shaken by internecine strife and wars, strengthens itself”. At the same time, he resigned early.

The measures carried out by Sulla, for all their bloodiness, contributed to stabilizing the situation in the state and restoring the influence of the Senate after the upheavals. At the same time, many well-born, and therefore influential, senators from respected families (mainly those who, for various reasons, sided with Marius and Cinna) were destroyed during the proscriptions, and in their place were people loyal to Sulla personally. In addition, the new senators, who came mainly from equestrian backgrounds, were much more actively involved in trade, which had previously been considered an activity unworthy of a patrician. Moreover, the wealth of numerous families was concentrated in the hands of a small elite close to Sulla (suffice it to say that in the future the richest people in Rome, Crassus and Lucullus, became senators at this time). Of particular note is the allocation of land to 120,000 thousand Sullan veterans. Land for allotments was found in Italy - taken from the expelled and proscribed tribes of the Samnites and Lucanians, or from the Samnites and Lucanians hostile to Sulla. This contributed not only to the expansion of small free land ownership against the background of the previous rise of large farms using slave force, but also to the widespread Latinization of Italy.

SULLA
LUCIUS CORNELIUS
(Lucius Cornelius Sulla Felix)
(138-78 BC), Roman statesman and commander, from 82 to 79 BC. - dictator. He came from a patrician family. In his youth he was poor, but still received an education. In 107 BC Sulla, as quaestor under Mary, went to Africa to take part in the war with Jugurtha. Sulla captured Jugurtha, after which the war was over. When Germanic tribes threatened Italy from 104 to 101 BC, Sulla again served for a time under Marius. In 97 BC. Sulla achieved the position of praetor (on the second attempt), after which he was appointed proconsul to Cilicia in Asia Minor, where he did an excellent job with the diplomatic and military mission, during which the first contact between Rome and Parthia took place. Upon his return to Rome, Sulla was accused of extortion, but the trial did not take place. The accusation, however, prevented Sulla from becoming consul, but soon the Allied War broke out (the uprising of the Samnites, Mars and other Italians), where Sulla was given the opportunity to prove himself. He was very successful against the Samnites in southern Italy, especially in 89 BC. Thanks largely to this, he was elected consul in 88 BC, and the Senate appointed him commander-in-chief in the war with Mithridates. By this time, Roman citizenship had already been granted to the Italian allies who had laid down their arms in the Allied War. Given their large number, the question of how to distribute allies among tribes was of great importance: by placing everyone in one or more tribes (there were 35 in total, and each had one vote), they would actually be deprived of the opportunity to influence the course of voting at the comitia. Distribution among all tribes would give them an advantage in voting. Publius Sulpicius Rufus, one of the tribunes of 88 BC, sought to achieve the latter by introducing a corresponding bill. The consuls, Sulla and his colleague Quintus Pompey Rufus, used their tried and tested weapon - they disrupted the vote, declaring days unfavorable for public affairs. During the unrest that broke out, Sulla was actually forcefully wrested permission to hold a vote when a law that was objectionable to him and the representatives of the aristocratic party was adopted. Another decree adopted at the same time transferred command in the war with Mithridates to Marius. Then Sulla told the troops that he led in the Allied War and with whom he was going to fight against Mithridates that they were going to be deprived of booty, brought them to the greatest excitement and marched on Rome. So Sulla turned out to be the first Roman commander to capture his hometown. The Marians were dispersed, Sulpicius was killed, but Marius managed to escape. Sulla was satisfied with the repeal of the laws passed by Sulpicius and went to war with Mithridates. His successes in the fight against this enemy, responsible for the death of 80 thousand Latin-speaking inhabitants of Asia Minor, massacred during pogroms in 88 BC, were quite modest and were limited to the Greek theater of operations, where Sulla inflicted a number of defeats on the commanders of Mithridates, and also plundered many Greek cities and temples. The degree of anarchy that reigned in Rome is indicated by the fact that when in 86 BC. Another army was sent against Mithridates, but Gaius Flavius ​​Fimbria, who led it, failed to carry out any coordinated actions with Sulla. Moreover, when Fimbria besieged Mithridates himself in Pitana (in the region of Mysia in Asia Minor) on the shores of the Aegean Sea, Sulla did not support him with a fleet, and Mithridates managed to escape. According to the terms of the agreement between Sulla and Mithridates in 85 BC. peace, he had to return his conquests in Asia Minor and recognize himself as an ally of Rome, as well as support Sulla with money and supplies. Having secured peace with Mithridates, Sulla turned against Fimbria and lured his warriors to himself, after which he committed suicide. By that time, Marius had already died, but in the absence of Sulla, power in Italy was held by supporters of Marius, one of them, Lucius Cornelius Cinna, became consul from year to year - in 87, 86, 85 and 84 BC. Sulla's followers were exterminated, and he himself was declared an outlaw. Hearing that Cinna had been killed (84 BC), Sulla openly opposed Rome. He returned to Italy in 83 BC, and the first full-scale civil war began, pitting regular Roman troops against each other. With the help of Pompey, Crassus and others, Sulla crushed the Marians; the battle at the gates of Rome, in which the Sullans were opposed mainly by Italian allies, made him master of the capital and all of Italy (82 BC). Sulla's revenge was terrible. The senators no longer demanded an end to the killing of Roman citizens without trial, but only wanted Sulla to publicly announce who he was going to kill. He granted this request and began posting proscription lists on the forum, which were constantly updated (it is reported that a total of 4,800 names appeared on them). Sulla illegally, without specifying a period of time, assumed the title of dictator and reshaped the Roman constitution to his liking. He radically limited the powers of the people's tribunes, took away their legislative initiative (and made this position unattractive by prohibiting former tribunes from holding senior positions), and transferred the supreme power in the state to the Senate. At the same time, he tried to make the Senate more authoritative and representative and therefore established as a mandatory requirement for entry into the Senate the position of quaestor, which could be held by people at least 30 years old. In addition, Sulla expanded the Senate from 300 to 600 members. Sulla streamlined the functions and terms of office of provincial governors and reformed the judicial system, introducing 7 specialized courts. Having thus changed the Roman constitution, the dictator, to everyone's amazement, abdicated office in 79 BC and died a year later. Apparently, Sulla saw not the monarch, but the authoritative Senate, as the most acceptable head of the Roman state. However, during the proscriptions, he destroyed precisely those who were not indifferent to the republic and the state. Sulla's cruelty may have saved his life, but it taught the Romans to measure everything by personal success, in which Sulla was the first to set an example. The reforms carried out by Sulla did not survive him much: 8 years after the death of the dictator, many of them were abolished (with the exception of judicial reform).
LITERATURE
Plutarch. Sulla. - In the book: Plutarch. Comparative biographies, vol. 2. M., 1963 Inar F. Sulla. Rostov-on-Don, 1997

Collier's Encyclopedia. - Open Society. 2000 .

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    - (Lucius Cornelius Sulla) (138 78 BC) commander, in 82 79. dictator Sulla (...) once at a gathering, when a bad street poet threw him a notebook with an epigram written in honor of Sulla (...), he immediately ordered the poet to be presented with an award (...), but with... ... Consolidated encyclopedia of aphorisms

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    - (Lucius Cornelius Sulla) Roman dictator. Genus. in 138 BC. in a patrician family belonging to the Cornelian family; He spent his youth partly in frivolous amusements, partly in literary studies. In 107 he was quaestor of the consul Maria in... ... Encyclopedia of Brockhaus and Efron

    Sulla- (Sulla) (138 78 BC), Roman commander, consul of 88. In 84 he defeated the Pontic king Mithridates VI. Having defeated G. Marius in the civil war, he became a dictator in 1982 and carried out mass repressions (see Proscriptions). At 79 I folded... ... Illustrated Encyclopedic Dictionary

    - (Sulla) (138 78 BC), Roman commander, consul of 88. In 84 he defeated Mithridates VI. Having defeated G. Maria in the civil war, he became a dictator in 1982 and carried out mass repressions (see Proscriptions). At 79 he resigned. * * * SULLA SULLA... ... encyclopedic Dictionary

    SULLA Dictionary-reference book on Ancient Greece and Rome, on mythology

    SULLA- Lucius Cornelius (138 78 BC) Roman general, leader of the aristocratic conservative party of the optimates in the civil war against the populares, led by Marius. Sulla's early military successes are associated with the defeat of the troops of Mithridates IV,... ... List of Ancient Greek names

    Lucius Cornelius see Cornelius Sulla, Lucius ... Soviet historical encyclopedia

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  • Lucius Sulla, K. 135, Mozart Wolfgang Amadeus, Reprint sheet music edition Mozart, Wolfgang Amadeus "Lucio Silla, K. 135". Genres: Opera series; Stage Works; Operas; For voices, orchestra; Scores featuring the voice; Scores featuring the… Category:

The first of the generals and statesmen of Rome who managed to use the new Roman army to fight and defeat their political opponents, to seize sole power, was Sulla. Enemies said about this man that in his soul a lion coexists with a fox, and the fox is more dangerous than the lion, but he himself ordered it to be written in the epitaph he had prepared in advance: “No one in the world has done so much good to his friends and so much evil to his enemies.”

Lucius Cornelius Sulla came from an old patrician family. However, this was a long-impoverished family; In his early youth, Sulla did not even have his own home - which in Rome was considered a sign of extreme poverty - and, as Plutarch writes, “he lived with strangers, renting a room for a small fee, which subsequently pricked his eyes.” Nevertheless, he spent his youth quite stormy: in the company of actors, in feasts and entertainment. He began military service - which was the usual way for young nobles to advance up the ladder of honorary positions - relatively late, but his military career developed extremely quickly and successfully.

Appointed quaestor to Marius in his first consulate, Sulla went with him to Africa to fight the Numidian king Jugurtha. Before the command in this war passed into the hands of Marius, military operations were extremely unsuccessful, and sometimes even shameful for the Roman state: Jugurtha more than once managed to bribe Roman military leaders. Marius's predecessor, the aristocrat and experienced commander Quintus Caecilius Metellus, although he turned out to be incorruptible, nevertheless p.31 also failed to bring the fight to a victorious end. In the successful course of the war under the leadership of Marius, his quaestor Sulla played a significant role. He turned out to be a brave officer and a clever diplomat. For example, Sulla managed to win the trust of King Bocchus, who was Jugurtha's father-in-law. This circumstance was decisive.

When Jugurtha, driven by military failures, was forced to seek refuge with his father-in-law, Bocchus summoned Sulla, promising him to hand over the sworn enemy of the Romans. Sulla boldly took the risk that Bocchus, having got both Jugurtha and Sulla in his hands, could not only fail to fulfill his promise, but also act in the diametrically opposite way. And indeed, Bocchus hesitated for quite a long time, weighed all the pros and cons, but finally acted in his own “honest” way: of the two betrayals, he preferred the one that was planned earlier and which, apparently, promised him a calmer and a “guaranteed” future, i.e., he decided to hand over Jugurtha to the Romans.

Even in ancient times, it was believed that it was from this moment that hostile relations arose between Marius and Sulla, because Marius did not want to share his triumph with anyone. Hostile relations turned into open hostility when, during the Allied War, the young and successful commander Sulla eclipsed with his successes not only the former military glory of Marius, who defeated Jugurtha, but also - what is much more significant - the recent glory of the winner of the Cimbri and Teutones. Plutarch says that this enmity, “so insignificant and childishly petty in its origins,” later led “to tyranny and the complete breakdown of affairs in the state.”

At the consular elections of 89, Sulla and with him Quintus Pompey (an unnoticeable figure) were elected consuls. The situation in Rome - both internal and external - was extremely difficult. Firstly, the Allied War has not yet ended. However, this war was no longer considered the main danger: after a series of major defeats and the death of the most talented p.32 leaders, the Italian cause was, in principle, lost. If we talk about external dangers, then a much more serious threat to Roman power was posed at that time by the hostile actions of Mithridates, the king of Pontus.

Mithridates VI Eupator was undoubtedly one of the oldest and most dangerous enemies of the Romans. An outstanding statesman, a man of versatile talents, he was famous for both his physical strength and mental abilities. Without receiving any special education, he nevertheless spoke 22 languages, wrote works on natural history, and cared about the development of sciences and arts. At the same time, he was cruel and treacherous, as befits an eastern despot.

Thanks to diplomatic actions and direct military conquests, Mithridates expanded the borders of his possessions and created a large Pontic state. He conquered Colchis, subjugated the Bosporan kingdom, where his troops suppressed a major uprising under the leadership of Savmak. Mithridates entered into an alliance with the Armenian king Tigran and maintained friendly relations with the tribes of the Scythians, Bastarnae and Thracians.

In the midst of the Allied War, taking advantage of the fact that Roman forces were constrained by the need to conduct military operations in Italy itself, Mithridates, having won a victory over Bithynia, invaded the territory of the Roman province of Asia.

Although the Romans' rule over this province was relatively short-lived (about 50 years), they managed to earn - mainly thanks to the activities of their moneylenders and publicans - the fierce hatred of the population. Therefore, Mithridates was greeted as a liberator. Ambassadors were sent to meet him; the citizens, dressed in festive clothes, greeted him, calling him the new Dionysus, the father and savior of Asia. Consul Manius Aquilius, sent to Asia Minor as the plenipotentiary representative of Rome, was captured and handed over to Mithridates. The latter came up with a sophisticated torture for him: Mania Aquilius was carried out on foot through all the cities and villages of Asia Minor; he was obliged to shout out his name and rank, and the crowds of people, p.33 attracted by this spectacle, mocked him. When he was finally brought to Pergamon, he was executed in this way: molten gold was poured down his throat in order to forever satisfy the greed so characteristic of the Romans.

In Ephesus, Mithridates issued an order according to which in all cities and villages of Asia Minor, on one specific day, all Roman citizens living there should be killed. And again, the hatred of the Romans turned out to be so great that the inhabitants of Asia Minor strictly carried out this unprecedented order. In one day, up to 80 thousand (according to other sources, almost 150 thousand) Roman citizens were killed.

From Asia Minor, Mithridates, inspired by his successes, sent troops to the Balkan Peninsula to capture Greece. Thus, the Romans faced a very real threat - to be forced out of the countries of the Hellenistic East. This would mean a complete collapse of Roman politics and even Roman influence in the eastern Mediterranean.

In the same year, the internal situation in Rome turned out to be no less complex and tense. Relations between Senate circles and opponents of the Senate became extremely strained. The latter included a significant part of the horsemen and the so-called popularists, i.e. those who, under the slogans of protecting the rights and interests of the “people”, opposed the Senate oligarchy. Moreover, one of the most pressing issues, around which a fierce struggle unfolded, turned out to be the question of the upcoming war with Mithridates. Senate and equestrian circles were, of course, interested in preserving the eastern possessions. But they were interested in different ways. If for senators the preservation of influence and territories in the East was mainly a problem of the prestige of the Roman state, then for the horsemen, who, as is known, acted as moneylenders and publicans, the situation was simpler and more specific: for them it was a question of sources of income. Many of them faced the terrible specter of poverty and ruin.

Against the backdrop of these events, the rivalry between Marius and Sulla, which until now had been of a purely personal nature, took on a completely unexpected turn, a completely new aspect. As the newly elected consul p.34 and having already proven himself a first-class commander, Sulla turned out to be the main and most indisputable candidate for the post of commander in the war against Mithridates. But at the same time, he was already quite well known as an unconditional supporter of the Senate and an enemy of all democratic reforms and tendencies. Therefore, his candidacy did not suit either the riders or the popularists.

However, he should have been opposed by a person with a fairly big name. Such a person at this time could only be Gaius Marius. True, as already mentioned, his reputation as an invincible commander has somewhat faded in recent years. And his political reputation - and he began his career as a protege of the Roman plebs, the Roman "democracy" - was also greatly tarnished: several years ago, when his supporters - the people's tribune Saturninus and the praetor Glaucius - led an open rebellion against the Senate, he betrayed them and suppressed the uprising by armed force. Finally, among other things, Marius was already old, he was sixty-eight years old, and although he daily engaged in military exercises on the Campus Martius along with the Roman youth, nevertheless his bulkiness and slowness were the subject of ridicule. But still, Marius turned out to be the only candidate who could be opposed to Sulla. Thus, a bloc of horsemen and populares arose, directed against the Senate, and personal rivalry between Marius and Sulla grew into a struggle between the Marians and Sullans, which ultimately led to a bloody civil war.

Sulpicius Rufus, the people's tribune of 88, who acted in this case as the head of the anti-Senate opposition, introduced a number of bills to the people's assembly. Firstly, it was proposed to return all those expelled from Rome in 100 in connection with the movement of Saturninus. Then - and this was a direct blow to the Senate - the question was raised of expelling from the Senate everyone who had more than 2 thousand denarii in debt (and there were many such senators!). And finally, Sulpicius Rufus proposed that all “new citizens”, i.e., Italians who had now received civil rights, be distributed among all 35 tribes (and not just 8, as before), which, of course, dramatically changed the balance of power in people's assembly.

p.35 The bills of Sulpicius Rufus, despite the opposition of the Senate, were adopted. Then, relying on his supporters and the veterans of Marius, he passes through the comitia a new proposal: Marius is assigned proconsular power, and he is appointed commander instead of Sulla V the upcoming war with Mithridates.

Sulla, even before the voting began - he probably foresaw an unfavorable outcome for himself - left Rome and hastily went to the city of Nola, where the troops he had recruited for the campaign to the East were stationed. Soon, military tribunes sent by Sulpicius arrived here, who were entrusted with receiving the army and leading it to Marius.

However, Sulla managed to get ahead of them. The army did not at all want a change in command, especially since the soldiers were made to understand: the new commander would undoubtedly recruit new soldiers and thereby deprive them of hopes of rich booty, which was promised by an easy and certainly victorious campaign to the East. Therefore, at a stormy meeting of soldiers, the envoys of Sulpicius were stoned, and the army demanded that Sulla lead him to Rome. This was something unheard of, unprecedented, many commanders in horror refused to take part in the fratricidal war, but Sulla - although not without some hesitation - moved the army to Rome.

On the way, envoys of the Senate tried to stop him twice (they were sent under pressure by Sulpicia and Maria), but Sulla, loudly declaring that he was against the tyrants, continued to move towards Rome. Sulpicius Rufus and Marius tried to organize a defense, the latter even turned to slaves for help, but, as Plutarch says, only three joined him. Having overcome the resistance of individual detachments and an almost unarmed crowd, which could only shower the army entering Rome with a hail of tiles and stones from the roofs of houses, Sulla took the city. For the first time in its centuries-old history, Rome was taken by Roman troops!

p.36 Brutal repressions began immediately. Sulla, convening the Senate, condemned several people to death, including Maria and Sulpicia Rufus. Sulpicius, betrayed by his slave, was killed, and Sulla first freed this slave as a reward, and then ordered him to be thrown from a cliff for treason. A particularly large reward was placed on Maria's head, but he managed to escape. Many Marians, although not sentenced to death, were also forced to flee, fearing, not without reason, for their lives.

Having dealt with the main of his political opponents, Sulla began state reforms. All laws of Sulpicius Rufus were repealed, tribunal comitia - the most democratic type of popular assembly in Rome - were relegated to the background compared to centuries-based assemblies, where, as is known (since the time of Servius Tullius!), wealthy citizens enjoyed a decisive advantage in voting. In general, the role of the most democratic elements of the Roman government was greatly downplayed and limited: the tribunes of the people no longer had the right to address their bills directly to the comitia, but the preliminary sanction of the Senate was required. This, of course, was a blow to both the independence of the comitia and the independence of the tribunate. But, undoubtedly, the leadership role of the Senate was strengthened, the composition of which was doubled and increased to 600 people. It goes without saying that the new senators were recruited mainly from Sulla's supporters.

Carrying out all these reforms, Sulla was forced to hurry. The immediate and urgent task on which his entire future depended was something else. He was obliged to pay the bill of exchange issued by him to his soldiers as soon as possible - to ensure a successful campaign, victory, and rich booty. Therefore, he stayed in Rome only until the new consular elections.

However, the outcome of these elections was not entirely favorable for Sulla. If he managed to win over his obvious supporter Gnaeus Octavius ​​as one of the consuls, then a candidate who was very unacceptable to him, Lucius Cornelius Cinna, took second place. And although Cinna immediately and in front of witnesses swore allegiance p.37 to the order established by Sulla, he had not yet left Rome when Cinna had already begun - of course, not with his own hands - to prepare an accusation and a court case against Sulla. But Sulla had no time for that, he could no longer hesitate, and therefore, as Plutarch ironically notes, “having wished good health to both the judges and accusers,” Sulla left for the war with Mithridates.

Immediately after his departure the situation in Rome changed most decisively. Cinna, who sought support for himself in the “new citizens” (and according to some sources, even received a bribe of 300 talents from these circles), introduced a bill that repeated the repealed Lex Sulpicia, on the distribution of new citizens among 35 tribes. In addition, it was proposed to return to Rome all those who, under Sulla, were recognized as enemies of the people and expelled from the city.

The second consul Gnaeus Octavius ​​and the Senate opposed the implementation of these bills. The people's assembly proceeded stormily. Cinna's supporters occupied the forum, carrying hidden daggers, and shouting for the admission of new citizens to all tribes. But Octavius’s supporters also came armed. A real battle took place at the forum, as a result of which the supporters of Octavius ​​and the Senate gained the upper hand. Cinna made a desperate attempt to gather and arm slaves. When nothing came of this, he had to flee the city. The Senate decided to deprive him of his consular title and even his civil rights, as a man who, as consul, left the city, which was in a threatened situation, to the mercy of fate and, in addition, promised freedom to slaves.

However, all these events were only the beginning of the struggle. Cinna did not lose heart at all, but, showing great energy, traveled around Italian cities whose residents had recently received citizenship rights. Here he raised funds and recruited troops. The Roman army stationed in Capua went over to his side. Meanwhile, Marius returned from his exile (from Africa). He landed in Etruria and, in turn, touring Etruscan cities and promising them civil rights, p.38 managed to recruit a fairly large detachment (up to 6 thousand people). After this, Cinna and Marius joined forces, marched on Rome and set up camp not far from the city.

Since the supply of food to Rome was cut off, the population began to starve. Cinna again addressed the slaves, promising them freedom. This time a large number of slaves ran to him. The army that Octavius ​​had at his disposal also turned out to be not entirely reliable. In this situation, the Senate decided to send an embassy to Cinna for negotiations. However, the ambassadors returned with nothing, since they did not know what they should answer Cinna’s question: did they come to him as a consul or as a private person? After some time, a new embassy was sent to Cinna, which addressed him as a consul and asked only for one thing - that he take an oath not to carry out massacres.

The negotiations took place in the presence of Marius. He stood next to Cinna's chair and did not utter a single word. Cinna himself flatly refused to take the oath, but said that of his own free will he would not be guilty of killing even one person. Along the way, he added that Octavius ​​should not come into his sight, otherwise something might happen to him, even against the will of Cinna himself. The Senate accepted all the conditions and invited Cinna and Maria to enter the city. But since Marius noted with dark irony that there was no access to the city for exiles, the tribunes of the people immediately annulled his expulsion (like all others expelled to Sulla’s consulate).

Subsequent events showed that the Senate's fears were not in vain. As soon as the army of Cinna and Maria entered the city, a terrible massacre began, accompanied by the plunder of the property of the Sullans. Marius' soldiers killed everyone to whom he pointed his hand, and even those whose bows he did not respond to. Gnaeus Octavius, who, despite Cinna's ominous warning, had refused to leave the city, was killed and his head - the first time in the history of Rome that of a Roman consul - was displayed in the Forum in front of the oratorical platform. Cinna also thanked in a very unique way those slaves who, at his call, ran over to him when p.39 he was still camped at the Walls of Rome: one night, when the slaves were sleeping, he surrounded them with a detachment consisting of Gauls, and all interrupted. Appian, reporting this fact, concludes with satisfaction: the slaves received due retribution for their violation of loyalty to their masters.

The massacre continued for about a week. Then there was some calm, and order was established in the city. Consular elections were soon held. Marius and Cinna were elected consuls for 86. For Maria this was the seventh - but also the last - consulate. Just a few days after his election, he died.

All of Sulla's laws were repealed. New citizens were distributed among 35 tribes. Partial cassation of debts was carried out, and they began to organize a colony in Capua, which Gaius Gracchus still wanted to withdraw. Finally, a decision was made to deprive Sulla of his rights as a commander, and Lucius Valerius Flaccus, elected consul (to fill the vacated seat of Maria), was sent to war with Mithridates.

How did events develop in the eastern theater of war during this time? When Sulla was still crossing with his army into Greece, the position of Mithridates and his successes exceeded all expectations. He owned Bithynia and Cappadocia, took the province of Asia from the Romans, one of his sons ruled the main possessions in Pontus and the Bosporus, while another son, Ariarat, conquered Thrace and Macedonia with a large army. The commander of Mithridates Archelaus subjugated the Cyclades Islands, Euboea and operated on the territory of Greece. Athens was ruled by the king's actual protege, the tyrant Aristion.

Sulla, having landed in Epirus in 87, made the transition from there to Boeotia. He then proceeded to lay siege to Athens. Mining was carried out, siege engines were built, and since there was not enough building material, Sulla did not spare the sacred groves of the Academy and Lyceum: they were cut down. Needing money, he sent his representatives to the most famous temples and sanctuaries of Hellas, so that they would deliver to him the accumulated treasures from there. When one of his envoys, not risking p.40 confiscating the treasures of the Delphic Temple, informed Sulla that the cithara sounded spontaneously in the temple and that this should be considered as a sign given by the gods, Sulla mockingly replied to this representative to act more decisively, because such This way the gods do not express anger, but rather joy and harmony. When the delegates sent to Sulla by Aristion, instead of business negotiations, began to talk about the great past of Athens, Theseus and the Persian Wars, Sulla no less mockingly remarked to them: “Get out of here, dear ones, and take all your stories with you; The Romans sent me to Athens not to study, but to pacify traitors.”

Finally, when the city was taken and given over to Sulla for flood and plunder, when the blood of the dead, according to eyewitnesses, stained not only the city areas, but even flowed out of the gates, when Sulla himself was satisfied with revenge, he uttered a few words in praise of the ancient Athenians and said that he gives “the few to the many, having mercy on the living for the sake of the dead.”

A decisive battle with the commanders of Mithridates took place on the territory of Boeotia near the city of Chaeronea (86). The battle was stubborn and ended in victory for the Romans. Sulla won his next important victory at Orkhomenes, as a result of which the remnants of Mithridates' troops were forced to completely clear the territory of Greece.

These two victories essentially decided the outcome of the war. Mithridates' position deteriorated sharply. In 86, Valery Flaccus landed with his army in Greece. However, his soldiers began to run over to Sulla, and Flaccus was soon killed. Command passed to his legate, Gaius Flavius ​​Fimbria. He managed to oust Mithridates from Pergamon, and here, in the province of Asia, Sulla moved his troops. Mithridates had no choice but to ask for peace. His personal meeting with Sulla took place in Dardan. Sulla behaved very arrogantly and, without responding to the greeting of the Pontic king, immediately posed the question bluntly: did Mithridates agree to the conditions conveyed to him by Sulla during the preliminary negotiations? When the king responded to these words p.41 with silence, Sulla declared: petitioners must speak first, victors can remain silent. Mithridates was forced to agree to the conditions proposed by Sulla. He cleared all the territories he had previously captured, paid an indemnity of 3 thousand talents and gave part of his fleet to the Romans.

The peace terms were relatively mild and compromise, since Sulla had already begun to prepare for his return to Italy, and in addition, a clash with Fimbria was not excluded. However, this did not happen, since Fimbria's soldiers refused to fight Sulla's army. Fimbria committed suicide.

Sulla spent the end of 85 and the beginning of 84 in Asia. Participants in the massacre of the Romans, acting on the orders of Mithridates, suffered severe punishment. A huge fine of 20 thousand talents was imposed on the cities of the province. In addition, every householder was obliged to lodge soldiers and officers of the Roman army on the most ruinous conditions. In the second half of 84, Sulla crossed from Ephesus to Piraeus. Here, by the way, he took for himself an extensive library, which contained almost all the works of Aristotle and Theophrastus. In Greece, Sulla rested and was treated for an attack of gout, and also prepared for a campaign in Italy, to fight the Marians. He sent a message to the Senate, in which he listed all his victories and services to the state, starting with the Jugurthine War. As a reward for this, he wrote, he was declared an enemy of the fatherland, his house was destroyed, his wife and children barely managed to escape. Now, having victoriously ended the war with Mithridates, he will come to the aid of Rome, restore justice and take revenge on his enemies. As for all other citizens (including new ones!), Sulla promised them complete security and forgiveness.

But, of course, the Marians, in turn, were preparing for war with Sulla. Cinna and his new colleague at the consulate, Carbone, traveled around Italy, recruited troops, and in every possible way incited new citizens against Sulla. However, these actions were not always successful, and at one of the stormy gatherings, the soldiers who did not want to go to war with Sulla became indignant, and Cinna was killed. Nevertheless, a number of Italian cities supported the Marians, and in Rome too many had reason to fear the return of Sulla, and therefore the recruitment of troops continued.

Sulla and his army landed in Brundisium in the spring of 83. Soon the proconsul Caecilius Metellus Pius came over to his side with a large detachment of troops, and then the young Gnaeus Pompey, a future famous commander and rival of Caesar, appeared at the head of the legion he personally recruited.

The civil war that unfolded in Italy lasted a year and a half and was characterized by extreme brutality. Appian, speaking about the course of this war, precedes, in accordance with the favorite technique of ancient historians, his description by listing the darkest omens. He says that many miracles happened: for example, a mule was delivered of its burden, a woman gave birth to a snake instead of a child, an earthquake happened in Rome and several sanctuaries collapsed, and the ancient temple built four hundred years ago on the Capitol burned down, and no one could find out the cause of the fire.

From Brundisium, whose inhabitants allowed Sulla's army in without a fight (for which they were subsequently freed from any exactions), Sulla headed towards Rome. Several stubborn and bloody battles took place, and finally, on November 1, 82, at the Collin Gate, which led to Rome from the north, the Marians were completely and utterly defeated, and Rome was taken in battle a second time by Roman troops under the command of Sulla.

Sulla's victory was marked this time by unprecedented terror. Even the inhabitants of Rome, who had become accustomed to many things over the years, were horrified. Literally on the very first day after the capture of the city, Sulla convened a meeting of the Senate in the temple of the goddess Bellona. At the same time, up to 6 thousand prisoners captured during the fighting were herded into a nearby circus. And so, when Sulla, addressing the senators, began to speak, the soldiers specially assigned by him began to beat these people. The victims, of whom there were so many and who were slaughtered in terrible turmoil and cramped conditions, raised a desperate cry. The senators were shocked and horrified, but Sulla, who was speaking p.43, without changing his face at all, said that he demands more attention to his words, and what happens outside the walls of the temple does not concern his listeners: there, on his orders they bring some of the scoundrels to their senses.

For the first time, terror was given an organized and even planned character. Proscriptions were announced, that is, lists of persons who, for one reason or another, seemed suspicious to Sulla. Such people were declared outlaws: anyone could kill or extradite them with impunity. Their property was confiscated, and a reward was paid from part of it to the informer (or murderer). If a slave reported, he received freedom. The heads of the murdered were displayed on the forum for public viewing. During the proscriptions, 90 senators and 2,600 horsemen were executed. Friends and supporters of Sulla, using proscriptions, settled personal scores with their enemies, and since the property of the dead was sold at auction, many Sullans - for example, Marcus Licinius Crassus - made huge fortunes from this.

Sulla generously rewarded the soldiers. Not to mention military spoils and distributions during triumph, he brought about 100 thousand veterans to the colonies in the territory of Etruria, Latium and Campania, giving them land. For allotments, land was confiscated in those cities that during the civil war were on the side of the Marians and opposed Sulla. These land confiscations ruined and led to pauperization of more than tens of thousands of peasants in Italy.

By putting his veterans on the ground, Sulla obviously sought to create a segment of the population that owed everything to him, to create a certain support on the scale of all of Italy. In Rome itself, he was supported by 10 thousand so-called Cornelii - the slaves of those who died during the proscriptions, who were freed by him and received the rights of Roman citizens. By skillfully using all these people, Sulla could have a fairly significant influence on the course and activities of the comitia.

Sulla was proclaimed dictator for an unlimited term and given the broadest powers to organize the state and issue laws. Dictators have not been appointed in Rome since the Second Punic War, that is, more than 120 years. In addition, the dictatorship declared in case of extreme military danger was always limited to a six-month period. Sulla was the first "perpetual" dictator. In addition, it was proclaimed that he bears no responsibility for everything that happened, and for the future he receives full power to punish with death, deprive of property, withdraw colonies, found and destroy cities, select kingdoms and grant them to whomever he wishes.

Sulla restored all the innovations and changes that he introduced into the Roman polity after he captured Rome for the first time. The importance of the Senate increased even more, in particular its judicial functions expanded. The total number of magistrates also increased: instead of six praetors, eight were now elected, and instead of eight quaestors, twenty. Consuls and praetors, upon expiration of their one-year term in office, were appointed governors of the provinces. Along with this, the rights of the comitia and tribunes of the people were further infringed. In addition to the fact that the tribunes had to coordinate all their bills with the Senate, it was now announced that those who held the position of tribune of the people no longer had the right to seek any other public office. Thus, for people seeking to occupy a leadership position in the republic, the tribunate was devalued and could even serve as an obstacle, if we have a future career in mind. This was the unwritten constitution established as a result of the dictatorship of Sulla.

All of the above provides, in our opinion, certain grounds for some conclusions about the activities of Sulla, for his assessment as a historical figure. It seems to us that the mainspring of all his activities was an irrepressible, insatiable desire for power, exorbitant ambition.

It must be said that these two concepts - the desire for power and ambition - were identified by the ancient authors themselves. For Roman historians, who reflected on the fate of their fatherland, on its past and present, on the reasons for its prosperity and decline, such concepts as class struggle, the role of the masses, and the socio-economic conditions of the development of society were, of course, inaccessible. But nevertheless, they tried to find out p.45 the causes and essence of the phenomena. They tried to find them in their, which now seem naive to us, ideas about the struggle between “good” and “evil”, between virtues (virtutes) and vices (vitia, flagitia), innate both in individuals and entire generations.

Even Cato the Elder proclaimed the struggle against foreign “infamy and vices” (nova flagitia), for the restoration of old Roman virtues. He considered the most harmful of all vices to be greed and love of luxury (avaritia, luxuria), as well as ambition, vanity (ambitus). The same vices appear in Polybius when he talks about the violation of civil harmony in society. As far as can be judged from the surviving fragments of Posidonius’s historical work, these vices played an important role in his theory of the decline of morals. Finally, we encounter a detailed justification of their role and significance for the destinies of the Roman state when we become acquainted with the historical concept of Sallust.

Sallust, giving a brief overview of the history of Rome in one of his historical excursions, speaks first of the happy period of this history, the “golden age”. However, when the Roman state became stronger, neighboring tribes and peoples were subjugated and, finally, the most dangerous rival, Carthage, was crushed, then suddenly “fate began to uncontrollably pour out its anger and everything was mixed up.” It was from this time that vices began to develop in society, which turned out to be the root cause of all evils - the passion for enrichment and the thirst for power.

Sallust gives a detailed and extremely interesting definition and characterization of these two main vices. The love of money, greed (avaritia) radically undermined loyalty, truthfulness and other good feelings, taught arrogance and cruelty, taught to consider everything corrupt. The desire for power or ambition (ambitio) - for Sallust these concepts are interchangeable - forced many people to become liars and hypocrites, to keep one thing in secret in their minds and express the other in words, to value friendship and enmity not on the merits, but on the basis of considerations of calculation and benefits, p.46 to care only about the decency of appearance, and not at all about internal qualities. By the way, Sallust believes that of these two vices, ambition is still the more forgivable, or, as he puts it, “closer to virtue,” while greed is undoubtedly a lower vice, leading to robbery and robbery, as was discovered in fully after the second seizure of power by Sulla.

Of course, characterizing the concept of lust for power in such detail, Sallust had before his eyes some very specific “sample” (or samples!), which allowed him to list such typical features and characteristics. But if it was Sulla, then Sallust could not catch one, and perhaps the most striking feature of his character. Sulla, of course, was not the first or only Roman statesman who aspired to power. But Sulla’s lust for power turned out to be of a slightly different type, or rather, of a different quality, than the similar property of his predecessors, including his direct rival Marius. Unlike all of them, who were captive to old ideas and traditions, Sulla rushed to power in an unprecedented way - regardless of anything, in defiance of all traditions and laws. If his predecessors somehow conformed to generally accepted moral standards and honestly followed the “rules of the game,” then he was the first who risked breaking them. And he was the first who acted in accordance with the principle proclaiming that the winner, the hero, is not judged, that everything is permitted to him.

It is no coincidence that many modern historians consider Sulla to be the first Roman emperor. By the way, the title of emperor existed in Republican Rome for a long time and at first did not have any monarchical connotation. It was a purely military honorary title, which was usually awarded to the victorious commander by the soldiers themselves. Sulla and other Roman commanders had it. But, speaking of Sulla as the first Roman emperor, modern historians already have in mind a new and later meaning of the term, which is associated with the idea of ​​​​supreme (and, in fact, sole) power in the state.

p.47 Sulla is also brought closer to later Roman emperors by such a specific circumstance as his reliance on the army. If Tacitus once said that the secret of the empire lies in the army, then Sulla was the statesman who first unraveled this secret and dared to use the army as a weapon for the armed seizure of power. Moreover, throughout his entire activity he openly relied on the army, no less openly despised the people and, finally, just as openly and cynically relied on terror and corruption. Plutarch says that if generals began to seek primacy not through valor, but through violence, and began to need troops to fight not against enemies, but against each other, which forced them to curry favor with the soldiers and be dependent on them, then Sulla laid the foundation for this evil . He not only pleased his army in every possible way, sometimes forgiving the soldiers for major offenses (for example, the murder of one of his legates during the Allied War), but often, wanting to lure those who served under someone else’s command, he gave his soldiers too generously and thus “ he corrupted other people’s warriors, pushing them to betrayal, but also his own, making them hopelessly dissolute people.” As for terror, without giving too many examples, it is enough to recall the proscriptions and beating of prisoners during the Senate meeting in the Temple of Bellona. Sulla considered fear, cruelty, and terror to be the best and most effective means of influencing the masses. True, the aphorism “let them hate, as long as they are afraid” does not belong to him, but in fact he acted in accordance with this principle, although, obviously, he believed that the one who inspires fear is more likely to impress the crowd than to deserve its hatred. Hence his very special attitude towards his own destiny and career.

Sulla believed in his lucky star, in the disposition of the gods towards him. Even during the years of the Allied War, when envious people attributed all of Sulla’s successes not to his skill or experience, but precisely to happiness, he not only was not offended by this, but he himself fanned such rumors, willingly supporting the version of luck and the favor of the gods. After such an important victory for him at Chaeronea, he wrote the names of Mars, Victoria and Venus on the trophies he placed as a sign, as Plutarch says, that he owed his success no less to happiness than to art and strength. And when, after celebrating his triumph over Mithridates, he gave a speech in the national assembly, along with his exploits, he noted and listed his successes with no less care, and at the end of the speech he ordered to be called Happy (Felix). When conducting business and corresponding with the Greeks, he called himself Epaphroditus, that is, the favorite of Aphrodite. And finally, when his wife Metella gave birth to twins, he named the boy Faustus and the girl Faustus, since the Roman word faustum meant “happy”, “joyful”.

It was a whole concept. Since Sulla, from the very beginning of his career, stubbornly and consistently attributed all his successes and victories to happiness, this could not have been caused by mere chance. Sullan's concept of happiness certainly sounded like a challenge and was aimed against the widespread teaching of the ancient Roman virtues (virtutes). The Sullan concept argued that it is much more important to possess not these dilapidated virtues, but good luck, happiness, and that the gods do not show their mercy and favor to those who lead a measured, virtuous life, full of all sorts of prohibitions and deprivations. And to be a favorite, the chosen one of the gods means to believe in your exclusivity, to believe that everything is permitted! By the way, at the heart of this concept of “permissiveness” there is always a deeply hidden idea that if an individual is allowed All, then she is thereby freed from any obligations to society.

What were the social roots and class essence of Sulla's dictatorship? Despite some particular differences, the opinion of modern historians on this issue is extremely unanimous. Mommsen also considered Sulla a supporter and defender of the Senate oligarchy, a man of a “conservative way of thinking.” Speaking p.49 about Sullan’s policy of colonization and allocating land to veterans, he viewed it not only as a desire to create support for the new regime, but also as Sulla’s attempt to restore the small and middle peasantry, thus bringing together the positions of “moderate conservatives” with the “reform party.” These thoughts of Mommsen turned out to be extremely “fruitful”: they are propagated quite often and almost without any changes in modern Western historiography. Perhaps, they received the most original interpretation in the famous work of Carkopino, in which the author comes to the conclusion that Sulla, by carrying out a massive and violent, in relation to the previous owners, allocation of land to veterans, carried out - and, moreover, by revolutionary methods! - agrarian reform of the popularists. By the way, from Carcopino’s point of view, this is by no means proof of democratic sympathies or tendencies in Sulla’s politics, for Sulla never defended the interests of one or another social group, one or another party, but stood above all parties and groups, pursuing only one goal - establishment of a monarchical system of government.

Among Soviet historians we will not find, of course, supporters of such a point of view. Sulla's class positions are quite clear and are defined quite clearly: he was an ardent defender of the interests of the Senate aristocracy, the constitution he created returned Rome; By the way, by pre-Gracchan times, and directed with all its edge against democratic institutions, it ensured the dominance of the oligarchy. Essentially it was desperate - and already hopeless! - an attempt to restore the power and significance of a doomed, dying class. This attempt was made using methods new to Rome (reliance on the army, dictatorship), but in the name of restoration of already dilapidated norms and customs, it was undertaken by a “strong personality,” but for the sake of a hopeless cause.” All this predetermined the fragility and p.50 imperfection of what Sulla built buildings on that rotten foundation that could no longer support it.

As for the desire of some historians to find some elements of democracy in Sullan’s “agrarian policy” and compare it with the traditions of the popularists, this is only possible with a very superficial approach. In fact, we should talk about a deep, fundamental difference between both the goals and the general direction of agricultural legislation. If in the tradition of the popularists - starting with the reforms of the Gracchi - the main goal was truly the “restoration” of the peasantry and, by the way, primarily for the needs of the army, now the primary task of Sulla (and later Caesar!) was the organization of the demobilized soldiery mass, which It was necessary at this moment to disband and secure it as soon as possible.

To somewhat paraphrase the words of one historian, we can say that the Gracchi, with their agrarian laws, wanted to create peasants in order to have soldiers; Sulla, not wanting to have too many inconvenient and demanding soldiers, tried to create peasants.

The end of Sulla's political career was completely unexpected. This man, who even to his contemporaries often seemed incomprehensible and mysterious, committed an act at the end of his life that set a difficult task for all subsequent historians and is still interpreted by them in the most varied ways. In 79, Sulla voluntarily resigned as dictator and abdicated power.

The abdication was carried out extremely effectively. In his speech to the people, yesterday's autocrat declared that he was relinquishing all powers, retiring into private life, and was ready to give anyone who asked him a full account of his actions. No one dared to ask him a single question. Then Sulla, dismissing his lictors and bodyguards, left the platform and, passing through the crowd that parted in silence before him, headed home on foot, accompanied only by a few friends.

He lived a little over a year after his abdication. He spent this last year on his Cuman estate, where he was engaged in writing memoirs, hunting, fishing, and also, following the example of his youth, feasting in the company of actors and mimes.

p.51 In 78, Sulla died of some strange illness, about which ancient authors report the most fantastic information. The funeral celebrations were unprecedented in their scale and pomp. The body of the late dictator was transported throughout Italy and brought to Rome. He rested on a golden bed, in royal vestments. The lodge was followed by a mass of trumpeters, horsemen and other crowds on foot. Veterans who served under Sulla flocked from everywhere; fully armed, they joined the funeral procession.

The procession acquired a particularly solemn and magnificent character when it approached the city gates of Rome. More than 2,000 golden wreaths were carried - gifts from the cities and legions that served under Sulla's command. Out of fear, as the Romans themselves said, before the assembled army, the body was accompanied by all the priests and priestesses in separate colleges, the entire Senate, all the magistrates with the distinctive signs of their authority. A huge number of trumpeters played funeral songs and marches. Loud lamentations were uttered alternately by senators and horsemen, then by the army, and then by the rest of the people, some sincerely mourning Sulla. The funeral pyre was laid out on the Field of Mars, where previously only kings were buried. To conclude our description, let us give the floor to Plutarch. “The day turned out to be cloudy in the morning,” he says, “we were expecting rain, and the funeral procession moved only at nine o’clock. But a strong wind suddenly fanned the fire, a hot flame flared up, which engulfed the entire corpse. When the fire was already dying out and there was almost no fire left, a downpour poured in and did not stop until the night, so that happiness, one might say, did not leave Sulla even at the funeral.” This was the end of the first Roman emperor - Lucius Cornelius Sulla, called the Happy.