Events after October 17, 1905. The highest manifesto on the improvement of public order

Height revolutions 1905-1907 persuaded the government of Nicholas II to accept in August 1905 the draft introduction legislative people's representation (“Bulyginskaya Duma”). But the narrowness of the rights of this body did not satisfy the revolutionaries. The unrest continued to spread. Here is what the great Russian writer A. I. Solzhenitsyn writes about the unrest that unfolded on the eve of the publication of the Manifesto on October 17:

“...The revelry only went further. Journalism was completely dissolute, and no one turned to the judiciary to apply the laws to it. One printing house began to go on strike - its young typesetters, mixed with some suspicious crowd, went to knock out the windows in the other printing houses - and they all stopped. Sometimes they killed or wounded a policeman or a gendarme... Until the post office went on strike, vile and abusive letters arrived to the grand dukes. Then the post office went on strike, followed by the telegraph; for some reason, attorneys at law, high school students, bakers went on strike, and it spread from establishment to establishment. Even a theological academy! - and the Metropolitan, having appeared to reassure them, was not allowed inside by the students whistling and revolutionary songs. Some priests refused to read the Metropolitan's message of appeasement. Moscow did not pull out of strikes and street clashes throughout September and October. The strikers demanded that the factories have deputies who could not be fired, who could not be arrested, and that the deputies themselves could fire the administration. Self-proclaimed congresses were held, the deputies were chosen by themselves. (Strangely, local authorities did not act). Proclamations containing many promises were distributed. Street gatherings were already gathering, and the speakers were demanding not the Zemstvo members, not the Duma members, but only the overthrow of the autocracy and the constituent assembly. The order was not to shoot, but to disperse. Agent telegrams only reported about the murders of policemen, Cossacks, soldiers, unrest and disturbances. But the judicial authorities did not prosecute political criminals, judicial investigators did not discover the perpetrators, and all of them, including the prosecutors, sympathized with them.”

In October 1905, anarchy reached the point of an all-Russian political strike.

“The revolutionary railway union formed itself and began to force the entire mass of railway employees to go on strike. This went quickly for them; from October 7 to October 10, almost all roads leaving Moscow went on strike. They had a plan: to cause a general hunger strike and prevent the movement of troops if the government wanted to suppress. Students ordered shops to close. Taking advantage of the lack of information, the attackers spread a rumor throughout Moscow that the Emperor “refused and went abroad.” Immediately, Moscow was left without water, without electricity, and all pharmacies went on strike. In St. Petersburg, Nikolai gave all the troops of the garrison to Trepov, who warned that any disorder would be suppressed, and everything remained calm here. In the meantime, they decided to do a general strike throughout the country, terrible. Yes, there may be a lot of fairness in the work requirements, but no one wanted to wait until everything was decided gradually.”

Telegraph and telephone communications were interrupted everywhere. In these October days of 1905, most Russian people did not know what was happening in the neighboring city. The Tsar, who was in St. Petersburg, was almost unaware of the situation in Moscow. Participants in the general strike demanded Constituent Assembly on the basis of universal-secret-direct-equal voting, the abolition of martial law and the immediate introduction (right in the midst of anarchy that threatened the very existence of Russia) of all possible freedoms.

Some strong figures, like St. Petersburg Governor-General Dmitry Trepov, stood for restoring order through decisive measures. But such people constituted a small minority at the top. Most prominent dignitaries, on the contrary, gravitated towards complete capitulation to the revolution. This pseudo-liberal movement, which then persuaded the Tsar to publish the Manifesto on October 17, was led by one known for its moral “Machiavellianism.” S. Yu. Witte. When in 1903 the “guardian” was promoted to the first role in the Russian government V. K. Plehve, Witte actually found himself in a state of honorable retirement. He ardently sought to return to the leading position among the ministers and planned to enter into a close alliance with the revolutionary liberals for this purpose.

Witte asked for a separate audience with Nicholas II and gradually began to instill in him the idea of ​​retreating before the revolutionary rapists. As A.I. Solzhenitsyn writes with irony:

“Witte began to come to Peterhof in the morning and left almost in the evening. One day he reported everything completely to Nikolai, another time together with Alix, and presented a note. Only an outstanding mind could help in this difficult situation, and here it was. He knew how to think somehow loftily, above the everyday tasks of a simple government - at the level of all human history or scientific theory itself. And he spoke willingly, for a long time, with enthusiasm, to be listened to. He said that the progressive development of the human spirit is now manifesting itself in Russia, that every social organism has an inherent desire for freedom - and this is naturally manifested in the movement of Russian society towards civil rights. And so that this movement, now approaching an explosion, does not cause anarchy, it is necessary for the state to boldly and openly become the head of this movement. Freedom will soon triumph anyway, but it’s scary if, with the help of a revolution, socialist attempts, the destruction of family and religion, will be torn apart by foreign powers. But one can easily escape from all this if the slogan of government activity, like that of society, becomes the slogan of complete freedom - and immediately the government will gain support and introduce the movement within its borders. (And Witte personally undertook to firmly implement such a policy). The Deliberative Duma was proposed too late and no longer satisfies social ideals, which have moved into the realm of extreme ideas. We should not rely on the loyalty of the peasantry, or somehow single them out, but we must satisfy progressive social thought and move towards universal-equal-secret voting as the ideal of the future. And there is no need to be afraid of the word “constitution,” which means the division of legislative royal power with elected ones; we must prepare for this outcome. The main thing is to choose ministers who enjoy public respect. (And who used it more than Witte!) Yes, Witte did not hide: this would be a sharp turn in the politics of entire centuries of Russia. But in an exceptionally dangerous moment it is impossible to cling to tradition any longer. There is no choice: either the monarch becomes the head of the liberation movement or surrenders the country to be torn apart by spontaneity.”

These subtle, crafty persuasions led the indecisive king into complete confusion:

“With his arguments, Nikolai could not resist this inexorable logic, and the situation really suddenly seemed terribly ruined... But his heart resisted and did not want to immediately give up his power, and the traditions of centuries, and the peasantry. As if something was a little wrong - and there was no one else to consult with someone so smart.”

Since the unfortunate, tragic day of January 9, 1905, it was extremely difficult for the tsar to decide to use troops against the people.

“After Witte’s seductive convictions, without finding a solution in Alix, Nikolai consulted with someone for a day and another day, and languished, not finding and not seeing a solution from anywhere...

...It seemed that maybe Witte was exaggerating and that we could avoid a big decision altogether and make a simple small one. And Nicholas gave Witte a telegram about this: to unite the actions of all ministers (still scattered, since each of them reported to the Emperor) - and restore order to railways and everywhere in general. And when a calm life begins, it will be natural to call on elected officials.

But it turned out to be Trepov’s program, and Witte, Trepov’s enemy, could not accept it. The next morning he sailed to Peterhof and again imagined that the path of suppression was theoretically possible, although it was unlikely to be successful, but it was not he, Witte, who was capable of carrying it out. In addition, for protection Russian roads there are not enough troops; on the contrary, they are all located beyond Baikal and are held back by roads. Witte has now brought his thoughts expressed in an all-submissive report, which the Emperor only needs to approve and he will be elected new line: to heal Russia by broadly granting freedoms, first and immediately - the press, meetings, unions, and then gradually it will become clear political idea prudent majority and the legal order will be arranged accordingly, although during for long years, because the population will not soon develop civic skills.

Emperor Nicholas II. Portrait by I. Repin, 1896

We talked in the morning and talked some more in the evening. There was a lot of strangeness in what Witte proposed, but no one suggested and there was no one to ask anything else. So it was as if I had to agree. It was just scary to surrender into one person’s hands right away. Wouldn’t Witte want to take on as Minister of Internal Affairs a person of a different direction - Goremykina? No, Witte insisted, he should not be constrained independent choice employees, and – don’t be alarmed – even public figures.

No! Nikolai could not approve such a report. And then: something must come personally from the Emperor, some kind of manifesto. A manifesto of gift, which is announced in churches directly to the ears and hearts of the people yearning for these freedoms. For Nicholas, the whole point of concessions could only be in the form of such a manifesto: so that it came straight from the tsar - and towards the people's desires. Yes, that’s it, let Witte draw up a project and bring it tomorrow...

...And in the morning he rushed Uncle Nikolasha- bypassing strikes, on relays directly from near Tula, from his estate. Here's the arrival, and by the way! If we are going to appoint a firm hand, a dictator, then who is better? Since Nikolai was a squadron member in the Life Hussar Regiment, and Nikolasha was his regimental commander, Nikolasha remained a great military authority for him. And upon arrival, with a bang, Nikolasha even agreed to dictatorship. But then Witte came again, poured out his sweet admonitions - and Nikolai again softened, became confused, and Nikolasha was completely convinced, became a mountain for Witte and for freedoms and even said that he would shoot himself if Niki did not sign the freedoms. The fact is, Witte convinced them, that if an energetic military man suppresses sedition now, it will cost streams of blood, and the respite will bring only a temporary one. According to Witte’s program, the calm will be lasting. Witte only insisted on publishing his report - so that the Emperor would not take responsibility (or perhaps he wanted to appear better to society?), and it is difficult to put it in a manifesto. However, he was also preparing a manifesto: they drafted it on the ship, now the employees there were finalizing it at the pier.”

(A.I. Solzhenitsyn. August of the Fourteenth)

Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich (“Uncle Nikolasha”)

The main provisions of the Manifesto of October 17, 1905

“They sent for the manifesto.

It contained wonderful words: “The good of the Russian Sovereign is inseparable from the good of the people: and the people’s sorrow is His sorrow.” This was exactly how Nikolai truly understood and would constantly like to express, but there were no skillful intermediaries. He sincerely wondered why the evil unrest did not subside, why mutual peace and patience would not be established, under which all peaceful people, both in the countryside and in the city, would live well, and many loyal officials, and many sympathetic dignitaries, civil and military, as well as the Imperial Court and the Imperial House, all the great princes and princesses - and no one would have to sacrifice anything or change their lifestyle. (Especially, Mom always insisted that no one touch the issue of cabinet and appanage lands that these pigs want to take away according to the programs of different parties).

And the manifesto also contained: all the freedoms that Witte insisted on, and the expansion of voters in the already announced Duma, and as a future ideal - universal suffrage, as well as the impotence in future of every law not approved by the State Duma.

Of course, the Tsar understood that the Russian people were not yet ready for representation, they were still ignorant and uneducated, and meanwhile the intelligentsia was filled with revolutionary ideas. But there will be a concession - not to the street, not to the revolution, but to the moderate state elements, for whom this is being built.

And it wasn’t exactly the same constitution that came out of it if it came from the royal heart and was given by his kind gesture?

Everyone present agreed - but out of caution, Nikolai did not sign and left it at home to pray and think.

And consult with Alix. And consult with someone else, with Goremykin, with others. Two more draft manifestos were drawn up. However, Witte warned when leaving that every change should be agreed with him, otherwise he would not undertake to implement it. On Sunday night they sent old Fredericks to St. Petersburg to see Witte. He did not accept a single amendment, saw in this a lack of confidence in himself and already refused the post of first minister.

But during these days no one suggested a decisively different way out: except for the faithful Trepov, everyone, led by Nikolasha, was convinced of the need to grant freedoms and limit the tsarist power.

The decision was terrible, Nikolai was aware of this. The same torment and bewilderment as with the Japanese world: did it work out well? or bad? After all, he changed the limits of royal power, inviolably received from his ancestors. It was like a coup against oneself. He felt like he was losing his crown. But the consolation was that this was God’s will, that Russia would at least emerge from the unbearable chaotic state in which it had been for a year. That with this Manifesto the Sovereign pacifies his country, strengthens the moderates against all extremes.

And it became good for him to grant him freedom.

This happened on Monday, October 17, and just on the 17th anniversary of the train accident, where the dynasty almost died (they were also commemorated every year). Attended the celebration of the Combined Guards Battalion. They served a prayer service. Then we sat and waited for Witte to arrive. Nikolasha was somehow too cheerful. And he also convinced that all the troops were in Manchuria anyway, there was nothing to establish a dictatorship with. And Nikolai’s head became completely heavy and his thoughts were confused, as if in a cloud.

After praying and crossing himself, he signed. And immediately, my state of mind improved, as always when a decision has already been made and experienced. Yes, now, after the Manifesto, everything should have calmed down quickly.”

(A.I. Solzhenitsyn. August of the Fourteenth)

The immediate meaning of the Manifesto of October 17, 1905

The manifesto of October 17, 1905 did not have at all the consequences that the resourceful Witte promised. He did not calm down the revolution, but rather inflamed it even more. A. I. Solzhenitsyn writes:

“And the next morning was sunny, joyful, a good omen. Already on this day, Nikolai expected the first waves of popular rejoicing and gratitude. But to his amazement, everything turned out wrong. Those who rejoiced did not thank the emperor, but tore his portraits in public, vilified his remaining power, the insignificance of concessions and demanded instead State Duma- Constituent Assembly. In St. Petersburg there was no bloodshed only thanks to Trepov, he banned all processions in general (the press insisted on dismissing him), but in Moscow and in all other cities they were - with red banners, the triumph of victory, ridicule of the tsar, but not gratitude. And when a day later, in response, the alarmed believing people, led by no one, rose up in all the cities with icons, portraits of the Emperor, national flags, an anthem, then there was not gratitude or rejoicing in them, but anxiety. In vain did the Synod try to stop the second movement, that the king was powerful and could handle it himself - the two movements, red and tricolor, in all cities could not help but come into conflict, civil strife among the crowds, and the frightened authorities were not there. And it is amazing with what unanimity and immediately this happened in all the cities of Russia and Siberia: the people were outraged by the mocking rampage of the revolutionaries, and since many of them were Jews, the anger of the alarmed people fell in some places in Jewish pogroms. (In England, of course, they wrote, as always, that these riots were organized by the police). The crowd in some places became so furious that they set fire to government buildings where the revolutionaries had locked themselves, and killed anyone who came out. Now, a few days later, Nikolai received many cordial telegrams from everywhere with a clear indication that they wanted to preserve the autocracy. His loneliness broke through popular support- but why not in the previous days, why were they silent before, good people, when both the active Nikolasha and the devoted Goremykin agreed that they had to give in? Autocracy! - Should we assume that he is no longer there? Or did it remain in the highest sense?

In the highest sense, it could not be shaken; without it there is no Russia.

Here it also happened that, apart from the Manifesto and the Witte Report, not a single document was drawn up; they didn’t have time: all the old laws seemed to be abolished at once, but not a single new law, not a single new rule was drawn up. But the merciful God had to help, Nikolai felt His support in himself, and this did not allow him to lose heart.

Witte turned to the newspapers and through the newspapers to society for help: give him a few weeks of respite, and he would organize a government. But society demanded that calm begin with the abolition of enhanced security and martial law, with the dismissal of Trepov, with the abolition death penalty for robberies, arson and murder, with the withdrawal of troops and Cossacks from the capital (they saw in the troops main reason riots) and the repeal of the last restrictive laws on the press, so that the press would no longer be responsible for any expression at all. And within a few days Witte was at a loss, not finding support: no matter how he called, none of the Zemstvo members and liberals went to his government to lead freedom. And although he replaced half of the ministers and 34 governors, fired Trepov and many police officials, he did not achieve peace, but only worse ruin. It’s strange that such an experienced, intelligent person made a mistake in his calculations. Likewise, the new government, like all the previous ones, was afraid to act and waited for orders. Now Nikolasha was very disappointed in Witte.

Only now, belatedly, it became clear that the Moscow strike had already turned to calm on the eve of the Manifesto: the water supply system, horse trams, and slaughterhouses began working again, university students surrendered, the city duma no longer demanded a republic, the Kazan, Yaroslavl, and Nizhny Novgorod roads had already decided to go back to work, - oh, if only I knew this in those days! - everything was already beginning to calm down, and there was no need for any Manifesto - but the Tsar poured it on like kerosene to a fire, and again all of Moscow began to seethe, and even Governor General Durnovo took off his hat at the Marseillaise and welcomed the red flags; some paramedic came to the funeral almost a hundred thousand, speeches were made not to believe the Manifesto and overthrow the Tsar, brand new revolvers were distributed from the university (not all ships ran aground, sea ​​border It’s long, you can’t protect it all). And in St. Petersburg, students from the Technological Institute threw a bomb at the Semyonovites.

Oh, who then would have jumped up and said that it was already calming down?!!... Or why, really, didn’t listen to Wilhelm in the summer, didn’t rush to elect and assemble this deliberative Duma? - It would be even better to stop everything! And now it only glowed more intensely. They rushed to liberate the prisons with red flags. National flags were torn down everywhere. The former strikers demanded pay for the days of the strike - and in the meantime new strikes were announced. The press reached unbridled impudence - any perversions about power, lies and dirt, and all censorship completely disappeared, and revolutionary newspapers were already openly appearing. Gatherings in higher educational institutions stretched out over weeks. Traffic on the railways stopped again, and Siberia was completely interrupted, to the east of Omsk there was complete anarchy, in Irkutsk there was a republic, and from Vladivostok a revolt of reserves flared up, not being sent to their homeland. There was indignation in one of the grenadier regiments in Moscow, and soldier unrest in Voronezh and Kyiv. For two days Kronstadt was in the grip of an over-drunk sailor crowd (and even the details could not be found out, the telephone did not work, only the windows of the Peterhof Palace trembled from Kronstadt shots), and the naval crew went on a rampage in St. Petersburg. In the south and east of Russia, armed gangs roamed and took the lead in the destruction of estates. Urban agitators incited peasants to rob the landowners - and there was no one to restrain them. Peasant riots spread from one area to another. The revolutionary parties openly discussed how to conduct propaganda among the troops and raise an armed uprising. The self-proclaimed council of workers' deputies in the capital seized printing houses and demanded money. Poland was all in a rebellious movement, the Baltic provinces and Finland were in a genuine uprising (bridges were blown up, entire counties were captured), the governor-general fled on a battleship (Nicholas yielded to the Finns in everything, signed another manifesto). Happened here sea ​​riot in Sevastopol. Back in the Navy! (It’s amazing how these scoundrels didn’t care at all about the honor of Russia and how they didn’t remember their oath!) And then an all-Russian postal and telegraph strike broke out - neither traffic nor messages became even worse. Sometimes from Tsarskoe Selo they spoke to St. Petersburg only by wireless telegraph. It was impossible to find out how Russia fell in one month! - her whole life, activities, household, finances, not to mention external relations. Ah, if only the authorities performed their duty honestly and without fear of anything! But selfless people were not visible at the posts.

And Witte, who never led the “natural movement of progress,” now proposed shooting and hanging, but he himself did not have the strength.

Yes, bloodshed was still coming, only worse. And it’s painful and scary to think that all the dead and all the wounded are our own people. It’s a shame for Russia that it is forced to go through such a crisis in front of the whole world, and what it has been brought to in a short time.”

(A.I. Solzhenitsyn. August of the Fourteenth)

Manifesto of October 17, 1905 and the Duma monarchy

The general principles set out in the Manifesto of October 17, 1905 were soon developed into a number of specific legal acts. These included:

– Decree to the Senate December 11, 1905, which greatly expanded suffrage in the cities, primarily for the local intelligentsia.

– « Establishment of the State Duma» dated February 20, 1906, which determined the rights of this new legislative body, as well as the procedure for its dissolution and interruption of classes.

– « Establishment of the State Council" that converted it before legislative establishment of the upper house of the Duma.

- summing up all these reforms " Basic laws» April 23, 1906 – actually Constitution, which did not directly receive such a name only out of conservative caution.

- numerous laws that strengthened and expanded civil rights and freedom.

This legislation, based on the principles of the Manifesto of October 17, replaced the former Russian autocracy with the system of the Duma monarchy, which existed before February Revolution 1917 of the year. The new government system had many shortcomings. The four State Dumas elected since 1906 did not become democratic bodies. They were dominated by an oligarchy of rich strata and party leaders, which showed itself not better than that one the tsarist bureaucracy, with which she selflessly was at enmity.

The Manifesto of October 17, 1905 was inspired by the ideas of abstract educational Western parliamentarism, alien to Russian traditions. Attempts to introduce them into Russian political practice suffered, in fact, a severe failure. The Duma was unable to prevent the catastrophic revolution of 1917 and even deliberately contributed to its beginning. The state-zemstvo system was much more in line with Russian conditions and Russian history, and not the abstract “freedom” that was proclaimed by the Manifesto.

Topic 27. FIRST RUSSIAN BOURGEOIS-DEMOCRATIC REVOLUTION (1905-1907)

Plan:

Prerequisites for the revolution 5. Formation of liberal parties

Revolutions in Russia (Moscow armed uprising)

Main events of the revolution 7. Decline of the revolution

1. The main prerequisites for the revolution of 1905-1907. there was the preservation of feudal remnants in the economic (landownership, peasant community, striped, labor system) and political (tsarist autocracy, preservation of class privileges, lack of democratic rights and freedoms) system of the country. The accelerator of the revolution was the Russo-Japanese War, which was unsuccessful for Russia.

2. The revolution wore bourgeois-democratic character, since its main task was to eliminate the remnants of the feudal system. However, unlike similar revolutions in the West, it had a number of features:

The main driving forces were the proletariat, the peasantry and the liberal bourgeoisie. Moreover, the main and most consistent political force in the revolution was not the bourgeoisie (in Russia it was indecisive and weak), but the proletariat, ready to go to the end in achieving its goals.

The situation was complicated by the fact that the revolution acquired a national connotation on the outskirts of the country, where representatives of the national bourgeoisie and working class declared their own interests;

In addition, the political parties had different ideas about the revolution that had begun: the Bolsheviks set out to develop the bourgeois-democratic revolution into a socialist one, while the Mensheviks believed that this was out of the question until the proletariat became the majority of the country’s population;

Revolutionary events developed through the interaction and struggle of three political camps: government, liberal and revolutionary.

3. Revolutionary events began on January 9, 1905, when an organized peaceful demonstration of St. Petersburg workers under the leadership of Priest Gapon moved towards the Winter Palace. They brought a petition to the king asking for the establishment of an 8-hour working day and a minimum wage, but in response they were shot by the troops.

The construction of barricades began in the capital, and a wave of indignation swept across the country. The king was nicknamed "Bloody". Mass demonstrations began in various regions.

Two main stages can be distinguished in the revolution: the stage of growth of the revolutionary struggle (January - December 1905) and its decline (end of December 1905 - June 1907).

At the first stage, we should highlight the 72-day strike of Ivanovo-Voznesensk workers, who for the first time put forward, in addition to economic, radical political demands (convening a Constituent Assembly, introducing political freedoms, etc.). The first Council of Authorized Deputies in Russia was formed here.

On June 14, 1905, an uprising began on the battleship Potemkin (Black Sea Fleet), whose participants raised a red flag and counted on the support of other ships of the squadron. The battleship Potemkin sailed along the Black Sea for 11 days - from June 27 to July 7, 1905.

In Lodz, a general strike of workers in June 1905 developed into an armed uprising.

In August 1905, the first mass organization arose in the village - the All-Russian Peasant Union, the leading positions in which belonged to the Socialist Revolutionaries and liberals. They proposed declaring the land the property of the entire people, but opposed violent forms of struggle.

Result: over 2 million people took part in the all-Russian political strike in October 1905. Along with workers, its participants also included students, teachers, doctors, and office workers. government agencies. The main demands of the strike participants were the establishment of an 8-hour working day, the proclamation of democratic freedoms, and the convening of a Constituent Assembly.

4. In conditions of acute revolutionary struggle, the tsar was forced to sign the manifesto “On the Improvement” compiled by S. Yu. Witte public order", in which he proclaimed political freedoms of speech, conscience, assembly and unions and announced the convening of the legislative body of the State Duma. The liberal opposition perceived this document as the completion of the revolution and the beginning of the constitutional system in Russia. With his manifesto, the tsar essentially won over the liberal camp to his side.

5. The process of forming a legal multi-party system in the country has begun. Two large political parties- “Union of October 17” (whose leaders were the large factory owner A.I. Guchkov) and the Constitutional Democratic Party (its leader was the famous historian Professor

P.N. Milyukov). The programs of both parties were aimed at the formation of a constitutional-monarchical system.

6. Despite the adoption of the Manifesto, the unrest did not stop. In November, the leadership of the Peasant Union, dissatisfied with the fact that the agrarian question had still not been resolved, announced that it would join a general strike of workers. Performances in the army did not stop either. In November there was an uprising on the cruiser "Ochakov" under the leadership of Lieutenant P.P. Schmidt.

The apogee of the revolution was the December armed uprising in Moscow (December 6-19). Presnya became the center of the struggle. But the forces were too unequal. On December 19, the uprising was stopped by order of the revolutionary council. The victims of this doomed struggle were thousands of workers who were hanged, shot and arrested. By order of the new Prime Minister P.G. Stolypin, about 4 thousand gallows were installed on Presnya, which immediately received the name “Stolypin ties”.

There were also armed uprisings in Sormovo, Krasnoyarsk, and Chita. All of them were suppressed by the troops. There were no other major armed uprisings by workers. However, peasant protests not only did not stop, but also intensified (in April 1906 there were 47 of them, and in June - already 739). There was an urgent need for agrarian reform.

7. The elections and the beginning of the work of the State Duma greatly contributed to the calming of revolutionary activity. But 1st State Duma began its work in April 1906 and existed for 72 days (it was dissolved in July 1906). The Second State Duma existed from February to June 1907 and was also dissolved by the Tsar. Both Dumas did not suit the Tsar because they put for consideration main question- the question of land, the provision of land to peasants without ransoms and payments, the transfer of landowners' land into public ownership. Adoption of the Basic Laws by the Tsar Russian Empire, which limited the power of the monarch and therefore were perceived in the circles of the liberal public as the first Russian constitution, also served as a reason to calm the rebels.

8. Results of the revolution: First Russian revolution was unfinished, because she could not solve all the problems that gave rise to her. But, nevertheless, the authorities were forced to make concessions. The proletariat managed to achieve a reduction in the working day to 9-10 hours and a slight increase in wages. For peasants, redemption payments that they had made since 1861 were cancelled. Workers were given the opportunity to create trade unions and insurance organizations in case of injury and death. The Tsar granted some democratic freedoms: freedom of religion, freedom of speech, personal integrity, freedom of the press, and assembly. The right to convene the first legislative body - the State Duma - was obtained

The revolution drew into active political life large sections of the population.

Revolution 1905-1907 had great historical significance: it showed the authorities that their choice in pursuing policies lies between reforms and revolution, and if they delay, this threatens a social explosion. In 1905-1906 under the pressure of popular discontent, the tsarist government made serious changes in the political and economic system of the country, which created the opportunity for the progressive and relatively calm development of Russian society.

Questions to test knowledge

1.What were the reasons for the first Russian revolution?

2.Define the character and driving forces revolution.

3Which social strata took part in the revolution? What demands did they make to the authorities?

4.Trace how the behavior of the authorities changed in the first period of the revolution.

5. Is it possible to agree with the traditional definition of the October strike as an All-Russian political strike?

6.Analyze the Manifesto of October 17, 1905. What concessions was the tsar forced to make and why?

7. Why do you think the Cadets and Octobrists were satisfied with the results of the revolution?

8. How did the system of government bodies change during the revolution? Can you agree with the definition? political system in Russia, given in one of the German newspapers: “Parliamentary empire with an autocratic tsar”?

Related information.

110 years ago, on October 17 (30), 1905, the manifesto of Emperor Nicholas II “On the Improvement of State Order” was published, which declared the granting of political freedoms to Russian citizens, personal integrity, and the expansion of the electoral qualifications for elections to the State Duma. The manifesto of October 17, 1905 was prepared by the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Russian Empire S. Yu. Witte, who considered constitutional concessions the only way to defuse the revolutionary atmosphere in Russia.

The Manifesto of 1905 was issued by Emperor Nicholas II under pressure from the growing revolutionary situation: mass strikes and armed uprisings. This manifesto satisfied the liberal public, since it was a real step towards the transition to a limited constitutional monarchy. Liberals were able to influence the government through parliament. This manifesto is considered the beginning of the Russian monarchy and parliamentarism.

The manifesto enshrined freedom of conscience, speech, assembly and gatherings; attracting broad sections of the population to the elections; mandatory procedure approval by the State Duma of all laws issued.

It must be said that the idea of ​​“democratizing” the Russian Empire has been floating around in society for a long time. More than once, constitutional projects have been born that were supposed to reform Russia “from above.” Among Westerners (the leading part of Russian educated society) “constitutional dreams” were the leading idea and they gradually became radicalized.

Thus, in the Russian Empire of the period of the XIX - early XX centuries. There were two main ideas for the “democratization” of Russia. Some emperors, representatives of the ruling dynasty and high dignitaries wanted to change the existing system “from above.” They wanted to establish in an evolutionary way a constitutional monarchy in Russia modeled on England. That is, they also followed the example of the West and were Westerners, but did not want unrest and unrest. While representatives of the pro-Western public dreamed that the main branch of government in Russia would be the legislative one - the parliament. They wanted to eliminate the autocracy. Both the Decembrists and commoners, as well as liberals and socialists, dreamed about this late XIX- beginning of the 20th century This discrepancy in the vision of the future of Russia, moreover, on the basis of Western concepts, ultimately led to the disaster of the Russian Empire and the entire Russian civilization, which was saved only by a new, Soviet project.

Alexander I was the first to think about reform. While still heir to the throne, Alexander was critical of his father’s despotic and paternalistic methods of rule. Alexander’s reformist spirit was expressed in the involvement of M. M. Speransky in state activities, who prepared several of his own political notes: “On the fundamental laws of the state”, “Reflections on the state structure of the empire”, “On the gradual improvement of social”, etc. In 1803 year, on behalf of the emperor, Speransky compiled a “Note on the structure of judicial and government institutions in Russia.” During its development, he showed himself to be an active supporter of the constitutional monarchy. However, things did not go further than this. In addition, Alexander abolished serfdom in the Baltic provinces, granted a constitutional structure to the Grand Duchy of Finland, and then to the Kingdom of Poland. Alexander took part in the development of the Constitutional Charter of France, which turned it into a constitutional monarchy. In Russia itself, in addition to Speransky, Vorontsov and Novosiltsev worked on constitutional projects, but all their projects were shelved.

By the end of his reign, Alexander was clearly disillusioned with reform activities, seeing that it leads to the growth of revolutionary sentiments in society, and does not stabilize it. Thus, speaking in 1818 in Warsaw at the opening of the first Polish Sejm, Alexander I once again returned to constitutional projects and emphasized that the rest of Russia was not yet ripe, like Poland, for constitutional reorganization. It is interesting that Alexander knew about the emergence of the “Decembrist” movement, involved in Westernism and Freemasonry. When in 1821 Prince A.V. Vasilchikov acquainted the tsar with materials about the conspiracy and the programs of the conspirators, Alexander I threw the list of conspirators into the fire, noting that he could not punish them, since “in my youth I shared their views.” The radical program of the Decembrists (especially Pestel) marked a radical, revolutionary challenge to the government, which was wavering in its constitutional plans. Moreover, the government was challenged by the most educated part of society, the basis of whose education was western culture.

Thus, the flirtations of Alexander's government with the liberal public ended badly. The speech of the Decembrists could lead to bloody unrest, and only the decisive actions of Nicholas saved the empire from very serious consequences.

Emperor Nicholas, having suppressed the Decembrists' speech, was cold towards constitutional projects and “froze” Russia. The next experiment in the constitutional field was undertaken by the reformer Tsar Alexander II and ended no less tragically. On April 11, 1880, M. T. Loris-Melikov, the Kharkov governor-general, appointed chairman of the Supreme Administrative Commission of Russia, submitted a report to Emperor Alexander II “On the involvement of representatives of the population in legislative advisory activities.” The talk was about the establishment in St. Petersburg of two preparatory commissions from representatives of zemstvos and the largest cities of Russia, by analogy with the editorial commissions of 1859 regarding the solution of the peasant question. Essentially, the empire planned to introduce legislative advisory activities of representative institutions. The Emperor imposed a resolution on the project: “Implement.” However, on May 1 the sovereign was mortally wounded. The assassination attempt on the Tsar was organized by revolutionary terrorists, fighters for “people's freedom” and a constitutional republic from the “People's Will”. The text of the “Constitution” remained on the emperor’s desk.

Emperor ascended the throne Alexander III, an opponent of reforms and a conservative, instructed to discuss the project in the Council of Ministers. It was approved again. And on April 29, the new emperor issued his famous manifesto, proclaiming the inviolability of the principles of autocracy. On the very first page of M. T. Loris-Melikov’s report, the tsar wrote: “Thank God, this criminal and hasty step towards a constitution was not taken.” The new sovereign set a course for unlimited autocracy. This line was continued after the death of his father by Nicholas II, who, upon ascending the throne in 1894, declared the inviolability of the principles of autocracy.

Alexander III and Nicholas II, at the beginning of their reign, again “frozen” the situation. However, the contradictions in the Russian Empire were fundamental and sooner or later led to the collapse of the empire. The empire could be saved by decisive modernization “from above,” but not along the liberal (Western) path, but along its own, original path. In essence, Nicholas II had to do what Stalin and his “iron commissars” did after the collapse of the Russian Empire.

When Nicholas succumbed to the influence of the pro-Western part of the government (Witte was a typical Westerner and an agent of influence from the “world behind the scenes”), he only made things worse. Concessions to the liberal public could not save old Russia. They only provoked the Westerners and various kinds of revolutionaries, increasing their ability to destroy the foundations of the empire. Thus, most of the press in the Russian Empire, controlled by liberal parties and movements, worked to destroy the empire. Stolypin was able to put off the collapse of the empire with incredible efforts, but when the empire got involved in the war, it could no longer be saved.

In the first year (1906) that Russia lived under conditions of “civil freedom,” 768 government officials were killed and 820 wounded as a result of terrorist attacks. On August 19, 1906, Stolypin signed a decree on the introduction of military courts, but submitted it to the Duma only in the spring of 1907. During the eight months of the decree, 1,100 people were executed. Trade unions were closed, revolutionary parties were persecuted, and repressions against the press began. Prime Minister Pyotr Stolypin had to dissolve two Dumas before he had a Duma with which he could cooperate. Stolypin brought order to the country with a harsh hand.

As a result, the Manifesto of October 17 cannot be considered a happy acquisition for Russia at the beginning of the twentieth century; the opposition used it to intensify the fight against the autocracy, which led to new blood, and the authorities did not know and did not understand what parliamentarism, political parties and public opinion are in conditions of freedom of the press. The Russian Empire entered a qualitatively different state state, being absolutely unprepared for this. The bureaucracy, subordinate only to the tsar, was absolutely incapable of parliamentarism of the European type. European ideas on Russian soil led to perversions and only worsened the situation (this is fully confirmed in modern Russia).

Thus, during this period we very clearly observe the peculiarity of the historical development of Russia. As soon as the power in the person of its supreme bearer practically takes up the democratization of the state and society in a Western manner and “unscrews the screws” of the centralized imperial system, liberal society immediately perceives this as evidence of its weakness and uses its new opportunities not for actions for the benefit of the people, but for in order to politically (or physically) destroy the supreme power (insufficiently democratic, in her opinion), and force unrest.

MANIFESTO OF OCTOBER 17, 1905 on improving the state order. The solemn address of Emperor Nicholas II to the people, which actually announced the upcoming transition of Russia from absolute monarchy to constitutional. It was issued to end the general strike and other unrest in the autumn of 1905.
The immediate initiator of the transformation was the previous one. Committee of Ministers gr. S.Yu. Witte. On October 9, 1905, he submitted a note to the emperor, in which he indicated that the laws of August 6, 1905 on the creation of an advisory State. Even moderate circles were not satisfied with the Duma. It was proven that society strives for civil freedom, the triumph of which is inevitable. Therefore, “the slogan of freedom must become the slogan of government activity. There is no other way out to save the state.” If the government does not lead the liberation movement, then “executions and streams of blood will only accelerate the explosion. It will be followed by a wild revelry of base human passions.” An alternative to transformation Witte announced the introduction of a dictatorship, abandoning the role of dictator.
Some out-of-work dignitaries (members of the State Council I.L. Goremykin, gene. gr. A.P. Ignatiev, Admiral N.M. Chikhachev) advocated the suppression of unrest by force, but they were not suitable for the role of dictators, and the leaders of the army and police (commander of the St. Petersburg Military District, Grand Duke. Nikolai Nikolaevich; Comrade Minister of Internal Affairs affairs, head police and St. Petersburg Governor General Gen. D.F. Trepov) insisted on reforms.
About the transition to a new order Witte proposed to announce it in a report approved by the emperor. Committee of Ministers. Nicholas II insisted on formalizing the concession in the form of a manifesto. Its text was written by a member of the State. advice of the book Alexey D. Obolensky and edited by him and vr. management Affairs of the Committee of Ministers N.I. Vuychem under the direction of Witte. According to the assumption of A.V. Ostrovsky and M.M. Safonova, the content of the manifesto was borrowed from the appeal of the Zemstvo Congress, which worked in September 1905.
A number of dignitaries, on behalf of the emperor, drew up other projects (which did not mention the government and were mostly less radical). Witte declared the approval of his text a mandatory condition for accepting the post of head of government. There were no other acceptable candidates for this post and Nicholas II was forced to approve the project Witte.
The poem spoke of the emperor’s grief due to the turmoil and unrest. The order was reported to “take measures to eliminate direct manifestations of disorder” and “pacify public life.” For their success, it was considered necessary to unite the activities of the “highest government”. The Emperor ordered him, firstly, to introduce the foundations of civil freedom, i.e. inviolability of the individual, freedom of conscience, speech, assembly and unions; secondly, to attract to the elections to the Duma “those classes of the population that are now completely deprived of voting rights”; thirdly, “to establish as an unshakable rule so that no law can take force without the approval of the State Duma,” and also to provide those elected by the people with “the opportunity to truly participate in monitoring the regularity of the actions of the authorities appointed by us.” They talked about “further development of the beginning of general suffrage” in the new legislative order. In conclusion, “all the faithful sons of Russia” were called upon to help end the unrest.
The manifesto was supported by liberal conservatives and right-wing liberals (future Octobrists and peaceful renovationists), who became “constitutionalists by the highest command.” However, the constitutional democratic party that was being created, as well as the extreme left, considered it insufficient and continued the anti-government struggle. Supporters of absolute monarchy subsequently condemned the manifesto, believing that Witte"snatched" it from Nicholas II.
The manifesto inspired some of the revolutionaries and disoriented the local authorities, which led to mass revolutionary demonstrations and rallies in many cities, as well as counter-revolutionary and Jewish pogroms in October 1905 (in Kiev, Tomsk and other places), organized by the monarchist-minded population with the assistance of the administration . The manifesto also led to the end of the general strike and the split of the anti-government movement, which ultimately made it possible to suppress the revolution of 1905-07.
On the basis of the manifesto, a partial political amnesty was carried out on October 21, 1905, general censorship was abolished, suffrage was expanded (see Regulations on the Elections of 1906), and State reform was carried out. Council, issued Temporary Rules on the Press, Meetings, Societies and Unions 1906, Basic State. laws 23.4.1906 and other legal acts,
Text : Complete collection of laws of the Russian Empire. Third meeting. 1905. Department I. St. Petersburg, 1908. P. 754-755 or Russian legislation of the 10th and 20th centuries. T. 9. M., 1994. P. 41-42
Archives : GA RF. F. 859. Op. 1. D. 11. RGVIA. F. 271. Op. 1. No. 12
Sources: Manifesto of October 17 // Red Archive. 1925. T. 4-5 (11-12). pp. 39-106. Unknown draft manifesto of October 17, 1905 // Soviet archives. 1979. No. 2. P. 63-65. Witte S.Yu. Memories. T. 2-3. Mosolov A.A. At the court of the latter Russian Emperor. M., 1993.
Lit.: Literature: Gessen V.M. Autocracy and the October 17 manifesto // Polar Star. 1906. No. 9. Kokoshkin F. Legal nature of the manifesto of October 17 // Legal Bulletin. 1912. Book. 1. Alekseev A.S. Manifesto of October 17 and the political movement // Legal Bulletin. 1915. Book. 11. Chermensky E.D. Bourgeoisie and tsarism in the first Russian revolution. M., 1938 and 1970. Mironenko K.N. Manifesto October 17, 1905 // Scientific notes of Leningrad State University. Legal series Sci. 1958. Vol. H.S. 158-179. Ostrovsky A.V., Safonov M.M. Manifesto October 17, 1905 // Auxiliary historical disciplines. T. XII. L., 1981. S. 168-188. Crisis of autocracy in Russia. L., 1984. Ganelin R.Sh. Russian autocracy in 1905. St. Petersburg, 1991. Power and reforms. St. Petersburg, 1996. Smirnov A.F. State Duma of the Russian Empire. M., 1998. Malysheva O.G. Duma monarchy. Part 1. M., 2001.

The reasons for the first Russian revolution of 1905-1907. were:

1. Elimination of the remnants of feudalism, the need to give full scope to the development of capitalist production.

2. Solution of the agrarian issue.

3. Development of labor legislation.

4. Solving the national question.

5. Establishment of political and civil freedoms.

Character: bourgeois-democratic.

Beginning of the 20th century became a time of significant revolutionary and social upsurge. The center of the revolutionary movement moved from Western Europe in Russia. The leading force in the revolutionary struggle was the Russian proletariat, which at this time “... for the first time opposed itself as a class to all other classes and the tsarist government.” The proletariat was led by revolutionary social democrats. All this determined fundamental differences revolutionary crisis of the early 20th century: a subjective factor was added to the objective signs of the revolutionary situation. Conditions appear for the immediate development of a revolutionary situation into a revolution. From the economic strikes of the late 19th century. to anti-government demonstrations, subsequently to clashes with police and troops; from strikes within the enterprise to strike demonstrations; from the presentation of purely economic demands to political demands. The transition of the Russian proletariat from economic demands to political ones awakened others to activity social groups and classes of Russian society. The fundamental contradiction between socio-economic and political structure country determined the nature and driving forces of the first Russian revolution.

The driving force behind the bourgeois-democratic revolution was the proletariat, interested in the radical victory of the revolution. The struggle of three “...main camps began: government, liberal and workers’ democracy, as the center of gravity of all democracy in general”1.

Bourgeois-democratic in its social content, it was proletarian in its means of struggle due to the absolutely exclusive role of the strike in it. The mass strike movement was characterized by the interweaving of economic and political strikes and a direct connection with the armed uprising.

All major events of the revolution were marked by joint actions of the proletariat and the peasantry - a spontaneous and often unconscious union, but fundamentally important.

The popular character of the revolution was also manifested in the solution of its main task - the conquest of power, which was to become a revolutionary-democratic dictatorship of the proletariat and peasantry.

In 1905, the unification of the revolutionary tsarist army and the fleet, the advanced part of the soldiers and sailors around the proletariat.

Main stages and events of the revolution of 1905-1907.

Winter 1905 - “Bloody Sunday”; a powerful strike movement throughout the country, peasant unrest in Central Russia, Ukraine, and Transcaucasia. Attempts by the authorities to break out of isolation. . Spring-summer 1905 - strengthening of the labor movement, creation of Soviets of Workers' Deputies to lead strikes, activation of the peasant movement, creation of the All-Russian Peasant Union; unrest in the army, uprising on the battleship Potemkin (June); the Tsar's manifesto on the establishment of a legislative (without the right to pass laws) State Duma.

Autumn 1905 - strikes and armed clashes develop into a general strike in October; On October 17, Nicholas II issues a manifesto “On the improvement of state order”, the convening of the legislative State Duma is announced, freedom of the press, assembly, speech, and conscience is granted; are being created liberal parties- Constitutional Democratic (leader P. N. Milyukov) and “Union of October 17” (leader A. I. Guchkov); they, together with the Socialist Revolutionaries and Mensheviks, declare the end of the revolution; monarchical (Black Hundred) organizations are formed - the “Union of the Russian People” (leader A. I. Dubrovin), the Russian Monarchist Party, etc.

December 1905 - an armed uprising in Moscow, supported by the radical wing of the RSDLP - the Bolsheviks, barricade battles on Presnya, fierce battles with the army, which suppressed the resistance of the rebels. On December 11, the regulations on elections to the First State Duma were published.

In 1906 - the first half of 1907, the strike, peasant, student movements, unrest in the army and navy began to decline. On April 27, 1906, the First State Duma opened, in which the Cadets had the majority. On July 9 of the same year, the Duma was dissolved. In April 1906 a new edition of the “Basic State Laws of the Russian Empire” was adopted, from which the definition of the tsar’s power as unlimited was removed. On February 20, 1907, the Second State Duma, left-wing in composition, was convened. Three and a half months later, on June 3, it was dissolved, and a new regulation on elections was adopted (“the third June coup”).

The great vow of the Royal service commands Us to strive with all the forces of Our reason and power for a speedy end to the unrest that is so dangerous for the State. Having ordered the subject authorities to take measures to eliminate direct manifestations of disorder, riots and violence, in order to protect peaceful people striving for the calm fulfillment of everyone’s duty, We, for the most successful implementation of the general measures We intend to pacify the life of the state, recognized the need to unite the activities of the Supreme Government.
We entrust the Government with the responsibility of fulfilling Our unyielding will:

1) Grant the population the unshakable foundations of civil freedom on the basis of actual personal inviolability, freedom of conscience, speech, assembly and unions.

2) Without establishing the intended elections to the State Duma, now attract to participation in the Duma, to the extent possible, corresponding to the shortness of the period remaining before the convocation of the Duma, those classes of the population that are now completely deprived of voting rights, thereby leaving the further development of the beginning of general suffrage to the newly established legislative order; And

3) establish as an unshakable rule that no law can take effect without the approval of the State Duma and that those elected by the people are provided with the opportunity to truly participate in monitoring the regularity of actions assigned by Us to the authorities.

We call on all the faithful sons of Russia to remember their duty to their Motherland, to help put an end to this unheard-of unrest and, together with us, to strain all their strength to restore silence and peace in their native land.

Given in Peterhof, on the 17th day of October, in the year of the Nativity of Christ one thousand nine hundred and five, the eleventh of Our Reign.

On the original His Imperial Majesty's Own hand is signed: Nicholas.

Consequences of the manifesto announcement

At first the manifesto aroused general enthusiasm.

Representatives of the actually existing middle-class parties regarded the manifesto as permission for legalization and formed two parties - the Constitutional Democrats (Cadets) and the Union of October 17 (Octobrists).

The manifesto did not satisfy the most numerous classes of society, and a strike began: the strikers demanded freedom to strike, an amnesty for all victims of their beliefs, and, finally, the convening of a Constituent Assembly that would adopt the Constitution.

The new government headed by S.Yu. Witte was called upon to implement the manifesto, but failed to achieve his goal. The emperor believed that he had already conceded a lot to the “population” and could not satisfy the demands of the strikers. Strikes throughout the country gradually turned into riots and attempts to seize power locally.

On November 23 (old style), the government announced that the introduction of civil liberties would be postponed until the convening of the Duma. Illegal radical parties were in full swing preparing for an armed uprising, and the government was preparing to suppress this uprising.