Persecution of Christians in the Roman Empire. Persecution of Christians by Roman Emperors in the first three centuries

There are many different opinions about the reasons for the persecution of Christians in ancient Rome. The majority in one way or another comes close to the point of view of Gibbon, who associated persecution with the withdrawal of Christians from public life and their rejection of the imperial cult. The ancient state, despite its religious tolerance, demanded loyalty to the state religion and agreed to the exception only for Jews whose religion was based on the ancient national tradition. Theodor Mommsen believes that Roman religious tolerance extended only to persons who did not enjoy the rights of citizenship, while citizens were required to renounce foreign cults; however, the state accommodated the religious feelings of the population as citizenship rights expanded. Mommsen finds no article in Roman law under which Christians could be held liable as such; they were accused of either blasphemy or lese majeste, and the central government punished Christians only as a concession to the fanaticism of the masses. Only in the 3rd century. some emperors themselves fell under the influence of this fanaticism and organized mass persecution of Christians. Mommsen believes that it was not only the central government that opposed the transition of citizens to foreign cults; municipalities did the same in relation to their citizens.

Reitzenstein associates the persecution of Christians with the prohibition of not foreign, but secret cults and mysteries, and attributes this prohibition to the fear of the Roman government of all sorts of secret alliances, which could become a convenient form for organizing all kinds of anti-state conspiracies.

But there is also a point of view that denies any religious restrictions in Rome at all. Some historians argue that famous cases of prohibition of certain cults were caused only by the fact that their participants were suspected of crimes (the prohibition of bacchanalia), immorality or fraud (the expulsion of the worshipers of Isis and the Jews under Tiberius). Christians were persecuted not for deviating from their national religion, but on suspicion of diverting citizens from their loyalty to the state.

The Christians themselves, as is clear from Tertullian’s “Apology,” tried to prove that they were persecuted for one “name,” although Tertullian notes that Christians, in addition to the “name,” were accused of reluctance to honor the emperor, refusal of public life, debauchery , ritual murders, etc.

It should be noted that the persecutions of the first two centuries differed significantly in nature from the persecutions of the 3rd century. If in the 3rd century. they undoubtedly came from the central government, were formalized by relevant decrees and were supposed to be of a mass nature, then until the end of the 2nd century. they were more or less random. This is indicated by the well-known testimony of Origen about the insignificance of the number of victims for the faith. Eusebius also mentions only a small number of martyrs during the Antonine era. Lactantius in his work “De mortibus persecutorum” mentions only Nero and Domitian among the persecutors before Decius. Eusebius was even inclined to attribute special edicts in defense of Christians to Antoninus Pius, Hadrian and M. Aurelius. The emergence of the idea of ​​such edicts, of course, could only be explained by the absence of major persecutions on the part of the central government. The same persecutions of Christians that took place occurred spontaneously, and government officials succumbed to external influence rather than playing an active role. This is also indicated by Trajan’s answer to Pliny: Christians should have been punished only when it was necessary, so as not to cause a sharp outburst of discontent. A clear illustration of this policy can be the story given by Eusebius about the death of the Bishop of Smyrna Polycarp, whose death the people gathered in the circus demanded from the prefect.

Often the initiators of the persecution of Christians were priests of various eastern cults, magicians, and soothsayers, who saw Christians as dangerous competitors. The Acts of the Apostles speaks of an attack against Christians by Ephesian artisans who worked for the temple and feared that the success of Christian preaching would affect their income. Eusebius tells the story of the death of the famous Christian figure Justin through the fault of the Cynic philosopher Crescentus, who, having been defeated in public disputes with Justin, convinced the people that Christians were atheists and wicked. The famous Christian pogrom in Alexandria under Philip the Arab began, according to the testimony of Bishop Dionysius of Alexandria, due to the incitement of some magician or poet. Also interesting is the more objective testimony of Lucian, who in his “Alexander, or the False Prophet” shows how the charlatan Alexander, embarking on his mysteries, expels the Epicureans and Christians with the help of a crowd of his admirers. When one of his tricks failed, he set the people against the Epicureans, which he, of course, could do against the Christians.

Revolt against Christians often flared up during various natural Disasters, crop failures, epidemics, since they, as “godless”, were considered guilty, bringing the wrath and punishment of the gods upon the people.

Causes of persecution in the 3rd century. lay deeper. Christianity arose as a movement of slaves and poor people, disenfranchised and oppressed peoples, conquered and dispersed by Rome. And although in the II-III centuries. The official church began to “forget” the “naivety” of early Christianity; it continued to remain in opposition to the “pagan” empire and hostile “pagan” ideology.

Christianity spread most quickly in the Asian provinces, where New Testament literature was developed and from where, in the 2nd century. Mostly Christian writers came out.

Christianity spread in the province the faster the more Roman rule brought it into decline. Even under Hadrian and Antoninus Pius, the provinces apparently maintained visible prosperity. But under M. Aurelius the situation begins to change. True, his biographer speaks of his meekness towards the provincials, but the war and the plague could not help but affect the situation in the provinces. This is indicated by such objective data as the movement of the Bucolians in Egypt, unrest in the province of the Sequani and in Spain, and the rebellion of Avidius Cassius in the eastern provinces.

If under M. Aurelius the symptoms of an impending crisis are already clearly felt, then under him the persecution of Christians begins, a type much closer to the persecution of the 3rd than the 2nd century.

This persecution was started at the initiative of the government. Christians were prohibited from entering baths, public buildings and the forum. This was followed by beatings and persecution of Christians. They were tried in both Lyon and Smyrna, but the number of victims was small. For Asia Minor, Eusebius names 5 - 7 people. For Lugudun, he speaks of 10 fallen away and 5 especially persistent martyrs. There were martyrs in Egypt too. The proconsul asked the emperor about the Gallic Christians and received an order to cut off the heads of those who persisted. This means that the emperor began to attach great importance to the Christian danger, seeing in Christians not just ignorant people infected with gross superstition. Most likely, this new attitude towards Christians can be associated with the movement that began in the provinces. Lugudunum was precisely the most important city of that province of the Sequani, the unrest in which Marcus Aurelius suppressed. Persecution took place in the eastern provinces, where Avidius Cassius acted, and in Egypt, where the Bucolian uprising took place.

There is no indication that Christians took any part in all these disturbances. Roman sources generally rarely mention Christians, and Christian sources would have kept silent about such facts if they had occurred, since they usually aimed to prove the loyalty of Christians. But even if we assume that Christians did not take an active part in the anti-imperial movements, it is quite natural that the government, concerned about the disobedience of the provinces, could not continue to tolerate Christians; opposition-minded elements increasingly began to join the latter.

Septimius Severus behaved in the same way as Marcus Aurelius towards Christians. After the victory over Niger and Albina, he dealt with their supporters, as well as with the cities of Neapolis and Antioch that supported Niger, depriving them of all rights and privileges. In connection with the suppression of the uprising in Syria and Palestine, conversion to Judaism was prohibited. At the same time, the adoption of Christianity was prohibited. This evidence (very important given the rarity of mentions in pagan sources about the policies of emperors towards Christians) is confirmed by Eusebius’ indication of the martyrdom of a number of bishops under Septimius Severus, as well as many catechumens from the school of catechites in Alexandria. The death of bishops indicates that converts and those leading Christian communities were being persecuted. Again, as under M. Aurelius, the persecution of Christians breaks out after the suppression of the movement in the provinces and the uprising of the usurpers.

True, Christian sources directly deny any connection between Christians and elements actively fighting against the empire. Tertullian repeatedly points out that Christians do not conspire, that they do not take revenge, despite the fact that due to their large numbers they could “in one night with several torches repay evil for evil.” Finally, he directly says that among Christians there are no Cassians, Nigers and Albins, who appear only among the pagans. But, firstly, Tertullian is not objective, since he wants to prove the complete loyalty of Christians, and, secondly, even if Christians did not take an active part in the struggle, their passive opposition could no longer be tolerated by the government when provincial uprisings threatened the integrity of the empire . In addition, Christians did not always, apparently, stand completely aloof from any political and anti-imperial struggle. This is indicated by the alliance of Bishop Paul of Samosata with the Palmyra queen Zinovia in her struggle with Rome. Adjacent to Paul was a group of Syrian Christian heretics - anti-Trinitarians, who apparently benefited from the separatist aspirations of Zinovia. As is known, after his victory over the latter, Aurelian also dealt with Paul, supporting the candidacy of an orthodox bishop.

From Septimius Severus to Decius there is no reliable news of persecution. Eusebius briefly mentions that “Maximin persecuted the faithful,” but gives no details. Lactantius does not mention the persecution of Maximinus at all. This may be a strong argument in favor of the fact that these persecutions did not happen at all, since, otherwise, Lactantius, of course, would have used the death of Maximin as another example of the heavenly punishment that befalls the persecutors.

It should be noted that if in relation to the majority of emperors of the 1st and 2nd centuries. Christians could with some right claim that only tyrants and villains were their persecutors, then at the end of the 2nd century. and, most importantly, in the 3rd century. the picture is changing. Without going into a detailed analysis of this extremely obscure source, we note, however, that its orientation was mainly Senate-oriented. The authors always give the emperors credit for respecting the Senate and not executing senators for no reason. High respect for the Senate is attributed especially to two persecutors - M. Aurelius and Valerian. Decius also came from among the senators, whose biography, unfortunately, has not been preserved, and scanty information about whom can only be gleaned from the biography of Valerian.

Under most anti-Senate emperors, Christians enjoyed more or less significant freedom and security. The attitude of the Roman Senate class towards Christians has always been hostile. This can be seen in the example of the ideologists of this class - Tacitus, Suetonius and others. In the middle of the 3rd century. this attitude has not changed, as can be seen from the speech of Maecenas to Augustus written by Dion Cassius, in which the advice is definitely given to fight foreign cults in every possible way. The antagonism between the Senate party and Christians especially increased by the middle of the 3rd century. If under Marcus Aurelius one can only vaguely assume a connection between the growth of opposition in the provinces, the spread of Christianity there and its persecution by the government, then in the middle of the 3rd century. this connection becomes much more tangible. Christianity becomes one of the forms of manifestation of discontent of provincial middle landowners and municipal nobility against the “destructive draining of funds” by Rome. The composition of the Christian community itself is rapidly changing towards shifting the center of gravity from the “working and burdened” to representatives of more prosperous strata. The number of the latter is growing, they are beginning to push aside the former democratic members of the Christian church and, perceiving Christian teaching, change it in a direction more acceptable to them.

One of the main moments of the crisis of the 3rd century. - aggravation of relations between Rome and the provinces. This is the fight against usurpers and unrest in the provinces. Hints of a connection between the persecution of Christians and conflicts in the provinces are visible already under M. Aurelius and S. Severus; this connection appears more clearly under Decius.

Decius was a Senate-oriented emperor who succeeded various anti-Senate emperors, often from the provinces. As such, he expressed the interests of the party of which he was a protégé. Decius tried to ensure the loyalty of the provinces and eradicate Christianity, which provided ideological justification for the increasing desire of provincials to evade state duties.

Despite the decisive intention to fight Christians, the persecution was far from having the terrifying form that Catholic historiography usually attributes to it. Thus, from a letter from Cornelius to the Antiochian bishop Fabius, we learn that during the height of the persecution of Decius in Rome there remained 7 deacons, 7 subdeacons, 46 presbyters, 42 acoluths, 52 exorcists and readers, who supported 1,500 poor people, buried the dead, and exhorted Christians not to renounce , standing near the temples themselves, etc. The same picture, judging by the letter of Dionysius of Alexandria, took place in Alexandria. A large clergy also remained in Carthage, maintaining a lively correspondence with Rome and with Cyprian; Confessors in prisons were constantly visited by Christians, sometimes even gathering in large crowds; presbyters and deacons were allowed into prison to pray with the prisoners. The number of martyrs was also small. Thus, Dionysius of Alexandria names 17 people, and Lucian gives the same number of martyrs in a letter to Celerian for the Church of Carthage. Moreover, 14 of these 17 people died in prison, one in a quarry, and only two actually died under torture. And yet, despite this, the persecution seemed to be a decisive success at first.

Sources indicate big number those who renounced Christianity - “lapsi”. Dionysius of Alexandria and Cyprian describe at length how Christians themselves rushed to make sacrifices to the gods, without waiting to be captured and forcibly taken to the temple. Cyprian repeatedly mourns significant masses of those who have fallen away and even speaks of “the death of a people who were once so numerous.” The number of “lapsi” is also indicated by the fact that subsequently the confessors issued up to 1000 letters of peace per day. But, despite this apparent defeat, victory remained with Christianity. A very vivid illustration is provided by the history of the Carthaginian church during the persecution, as illuminated by Cyprian (letters and treatises).

The persecution strengthened Christianity, contributing to its centralization, which went so far that the question of the primacy of one bishop in all of Christianity could already arise. Essentially, the struggle between Cyprian and the Roman Bishop Stephen came down to the question of who would be the head of the church, albeit in a disguised form.

Another indicator of the strengthening of the church was the fact that the persecution of Valerian that soon broke out, to which Cyprian himself fell a victim, did not entail a mass apostasy, like the persecution of Decius.

Christianity, in which now the “toiling and burdened” receded into the background, became in the Orthodox Church only obedient admirers and an obedient herd of the clergy, lost its original democratic-revolutionary spirit. This spirit had now to seek its expression in various heresies. But the Christian community still remained an organization in opposition to the empire and Rome. The state's hostility towards it took on more and more active forms as the proportion of provincial opposition in Christianity increased. The Church needed a strong, centralized organization capable of repelling an enemy attack, and persecution not only did not hinder the creation of such an organization, but, on the contrary, helped. Therefore, victory remained on the side of Christianity, preparing for peace and an alliance with the empire in the near future.

Persecution of Christians in the Roman Empire - The reasons and motives for three centuries of persecution of Christians in the Roman Empire against Christians by the Roman Empire are complex and varied. From the point of view of the Roman state, Christians were lese majeste (majestatis rei), apostates from state deities (άθεοι, sacrilegi), followers of illegal magic (magi, malefici), and illegal religion (religio nova, peregrina et illicita). They were accused of lèse-majesté both because they gathered for their worship secretly and at night, forming unauthorized meetings (participation in the “collegium illicitum” or “coetus nocturni” was equivalent to rebellion), and because they refused to honor the imperial images with libations and smoking. Apostasy from state deities (sacrilegium) was also considered a form of lese majeste. The pagans considered miraculous healings and the institution of spellcasters that existed in the primitive Church to be a matter of magic prohibited by law. They thought that Jesus left magical books for his followers that contained the secret of casting out demons and healing. Therefore, St. Christian books were the subject of careful searches by pagan authorities, especially during the Persecution of Christians in the Roman Empire. Magic works and the wizards themselves were sentenced by law to be burned, and accomplices in the crime were crucified or died in the circus. As for religiones peregrinae, they were already prohibited by the laws of the Twelfth Tables: according to the laws of the empire, for belonging to an alien religion, people of the upper class were subject to expulsion, and those of the lower class were subject to the death penalty. Moreover, it was a complete denial of the entire pagan system: religion, state, way of life, morals, social and family life. n for the pagan was an “enemy” in the broadest sense of the word: hostis publicus deorum, imperatorum, legum, morum, naturae totius inimicus etc. y, rulers and legislators saw Christians as conspirators and rebels, shaking all the foundations of state and social life. Priests and other ministers of the pagan religion naturally had to be hostile to Christians and arouse hostility towards them. Educated people who did not believe in ancient gods, but who revered science, art, and the entire Greco-Roman culture, saw in the spread of Christianity - this, from their point of view, a wild Eastern superstition - a great danger to civilization. The uneducated mob, blindly attached to idols, pagan holidays and rituals, persecuted the “atheists” with fanaticism. With such a mood in pagan society, the most absurd rumors could be spread about Christians, finding faith and arousing new hostility towards Christians. The entire pagan society with particular zeal helped to carry out the punishment of the law against those whom it considered enemies of society and even accused of hatred of the entire human race.

It has been customary since ancient times to count ten Persecutions of Christians in the Roman Empire against Christians, namely by the emperors: Nero, Trajan, M., S. Severus, Decius, Valerian, and Diocletian. Such a count is artificial, based on the number of plagues of Egypt or the horns fighting against the lamb in e (Apoc. 17, 12). It is inconsistent with the facts and does not explain events well. There were less than ten general, widespread systematic Persecutions of Christians in the Roman Empire, and incomparably more private, local and random ones. The persecution of Christians in the Roman Empire did not have the same ferocity at all times and in all places. The most crimes blamed on Christians, for example. sacrilegium, could be punished more severely or leniently, at the discretion of the judge. The best emperors, like Trajan, M. Aurelius, Decius and Diocletian, persecuted Christians because it was important for them to protect the foundations of state and social life. Unworthy emperors, like Commodus, were lenient towards Christians, of course, not out of sympathy, but out of complete negligence about state affairs. Often society itself turned against Christians and encouraged rulers to do so. This was especially true during times of public disaster. In North Africa there was a proverb: “there is no rain, therefore the Christians are to blame.” As soon as there was a flood, drought or epidemic, the fanatical crowd shouted: “Chri stianos ad leones”! In the persecutions carried out by the emperors, sometimes political motives were in the foreground - disrespect for the emperors and anti-state aspirations, sometimes purely religious motives - denial of the gods and belonging to an illicit religion. However, politics and religion could never be completely separated, because religion was considered in Rome as a matter of state.

At first, Rome did not know Christians: it considered them a Jewish sect. In this capacity, Christians used it and at the same time were just as despised as the Jews. The first persecution of Christians in the Roman Empire is considered to have been undertaken by Nero (64); but it was not actually persecution for the faith and, it seems, did not extend beyond the borders of Rome. For the fire of Rome, for which popular opinion blamed him, the tyrant wanted to punish those who, in the eyes of the people, were capable of a shameful deed. As a result of this, the well-known inhuman extermination of Christians in Rome occurred. From then on, Christians felt complete disgust for the Roman state, as can be seen from the apocalyptic description of the great woman, drunk with the blood of the martyrs. Nero, in the eyes of Christians, was the Antichrist, who will once again appear to fight against the people of God, and the kingdom of demons, which will soon be completely destroyed with the coming of Christ and the foundation of the blessed kingdom of the Messiah. Under Nero in Rome, according to ancient church tradition, the apostles Paul and Peter suffered. The second persecution is attributed to the imperial. Domitian (81-96); but it was not systematic and widespread. There were several executions in Rome, for reasons little known; Of these, relatives of Christ according to the flesh, descendants of David, were presented to Rome, of whose innocence, however, the emperor himself was convinced and allowed them to return unhindered to their homeland. - For the first time, the Roman state began to act against Christians as against a certain society, politically suspicious, under the emperor. Trajan (98-117), who, at the request of Pliny the Younger, the ruler of Bithynia, indicated how the authorities should deal with Christians. According to Pliny’s report, no political crimes were observed among Christians, except perhaps for gross superstition and invincible stubbornness (they did not want to make libations and incense in front of imperial images). In view of this, the emperor decided not to search for Christians and not to accept anonymous denunciations against them; but if they are legally accused and, upon investigation, they prove stubborn in their superstition, they should be punished with death. Trajan's immediate successors also adhered to this definition regarding Christians. But the number of Christians quickly multiplied, and in some places pagan temples began to empty. The numerous and ubiquitous secret society of Christ could no longer be tolerated by the government, like the Jewish sect: it was, in its eyes, dangerous not only for the state religion, but also for the civil order. Unfairly attributed to the emperor. Hadrian (117-138) and Pius (138-160) edicts favorable to Christians. With them, Trajan's decree remained in full force. But the persecutions of their time may have seemed insignificant compared to what Christians experienced in last years reign of M. Aurelius (161-180). M. Aurelius despised Christians as a Stoic philosopher, and hated them as a ruler concerned about the welfare of the state. Therefore, he ordered to search for Christians and determined to torture and torment them in order to turn them away from superstition and stubbornness; Those who remained firm were subject to the death penalty. Persecution simultaneously raged in various parts of the empire: in Gaul, Greece, and the East. We have detailed information about the persecution of Christians at this time in the Gallic cities of Lyon and Vienne. Under M. Aurelius in Rome, St. suffered. Justin the philosopher, apologist for Christianity, in Lyon - Pofin, a 90-year-old elder, bishop; The maiden Blondina and the 15-year-old boy Pontik became famous for their firmness in enduring torment and heroic death. The bodies of martyrs lay in heaps along the streets of Lyon, which were then burned and the ashes thrown into the Rhone. The successor of M. Aurelius, Commodus (180-192), restored Trajan's more merciful for Christians. The north was relatively favorable to Christians until 202, but from that year onwards severe persecution broke out in various parts of the empire; they raged with particular force in Egypt and Africa; here two young women, Perepetua and , became famous for their special heroism of martyrdom. Religious imp. Heliogabalus (218-222) and Al. Severa (222-235) encouraged them to treat Christians favorably. During the short reign of Maximin (235-238), both the emperor’s displeasure and the fanaticism of the mob, incited against Christians by various disasters, were the cause of cruel persecution in many provinces. Under Maximin's successors and especially under Philip the Arabian (244-249), Christians enjoyed such leniency that the latter was even considered a Christian himself. With the accession of Decius to the throne (249-251), a persecution broke out against Christians, which in its systematicity and cruelty surpassed all that preceded it, even the persecution of M. Aurelius. The emperor, caring about the old religion and the preservation of all ancient state orders, himself led the persecution; Provincial commanders were given detailed instructions on this matter. Serious attention was paid to ensuring that none of the Christians escaped searches; the number of those executed was extremely high. adorned with many glorious martyrs; but there were also many who fell away, especially because the preceding long period of calm had lulled some of the heroism of martyrdom. Under E (253-260), at the beginning of his reign lenient towards Christians, they again had to endure severe persecution. In order to upset society, the government now paid special attention to Christians from the privileged classes and, above all, to the primates and leaders of the Christian society, the bishops. The bishop suffered. , in Rome, Pope Sixtus II and his deacon, a hero among the martyrs. Son (260-268) stopped the persecution, and Christians enjoyed religious freedom for about 40 years - until the edict issued in 303 by Emperor Diocletian. Diocletian (284-305) at first did nothing against Christians; some Christians even occupied prominent positions in the army and in the government. Some attributed the change in the emperor’s mood to his co-emperor Galerius (q.v.). At their congress, an edict was issued, which ordered Christian meetings to be banned, churches to be destroyed, sacred books to be taken away and burned, and Christians to be deprived of all positions and rights. The persecution began with the destruction of the magnificent temple of Nicomedia Christians. Soon after this, a fire broke out in the imperial palace. Christians were blamed for this; the second edict appeared, persecution flared up with particular force in various regions of the empire, except for Gaul and Spain, where the ruler was favorable to Christians. In 305, when Diocletian abandoned his rule, Maximin, an ardent enemy of Christians, became co-ruler of Galerius. The suffering of Christians and numerous examples of martyrdom found an eloquent descriptor in Eusebius, bishop. com. In 311, shortly before his death, he stopped the persecution and demanded prayers from Christians for the empire and the emperor. Maximin, who ruled Asia, continued to persecute Christians even after the death of Galerius. Little by little, however, the conviction of the impossibility of achieving the destruction of Christianity grew stronger. The first edict of toleration, issued under Galerius, was followed in 312 and 313. the second and third edicts in the same spirit, issued by me together with Licinius. According to the Edict of Milan in 313, Christians received complete freedom to practice their faith; their temples and all previously confiscated property were returned to them. Since the time of Christianity, it enjoyed the rights of the dominant religion in the Roman Empire, after a brief pagan reaction under Emperor Julian (361-363).

Literature: Le Blant, "Les bases juridiques des poursuites dirigées contre les martyrs" (in "Comptes rendus de l"academ. des inscript.", P., 1868); Keim, "Rom u. d. Christenthum" (1881); Aubé, "Hist. des persec. de l "église" (some articles from here were translated in the "Orthodox Review" and in the "Wanderer"); Uhlhorn, "Der Kampf des Christenthums mit dem Heidenthum" (1886); Berdnikov, “State position of religion in the Roman Empire” (1881, Kazan); , “The attitude of the Roman state to religion before Constantine the Great” (Kyiv, 1876); A., "The era of persecution of Christians and so on." (Moscow, 1885).

The most developed state of the ancient world was the Roman Civilization. At the peak of its power, the Roman Empire covered all the coastal territories of the Mediterranean Sea, and constantly expanded its borders into mainland Europe. The conquered territories became Roman provinces, but this did not mean at all that the provinces had to abandon their way of life, religion, and culture in favor of Roman culture. At the head of the Roman Empire was the emperor, his advisory body was the Senate, and order in the country was maintained by indestructible legions. The country was huge and roads were built for connections with the provinces; the governors were in charge in the provinces; they carried out the will of the emperor. Rome was tolerant of the religions of the conquered peoples and legalized most religions preached on its territory. Polytheism reigned in Rome itself; there were many eastern deities. Religion in Rome was considered a state matter, and accordingly, holidays dedicated to the gods were public, mass in nature and accompanied by festivities and debauchery. The Roman Empire was influenced by Greek culture. For a long time, the official languages ​​in Rome were Greek and Latin.
The Roman state was considered the most legal in the Ancient world and, with the help of laws, respected the will of the conquered peoples. The pagan Romans divided the religions of the provinces into permitted and unauthorized, the latter including Christianity. The reasons for the emergence of Christianity in the Roman Empire were partly related to the huge communities of Jews who inhabited it. The main preachers of Christ in Rome were the apostles Peter and Paul. The meetings of Christians were secret, held in caves, catacombs, away from prying eyes, and for a long time the Romans considered them Jews. Over time, there were more supporters of Christ, people dissatisfied with the imperial power began to join the faith, and thus the imperial apposition began to emerge. In ancient Rome, the emperor equal to god, they made sacrifices to him, they bowed to him, they feared him. Religion in Rome was a matter of state, and not the right of one person. Gatherings of Christians taught that God is one and has no flesh, that people are equal before each other, undermined the political structure of the imperial power and could cause popular unrest. The first mass persecution of Christians was under Emperor Neuron in 65-68 AD. The mad Emperor Neuron set fire to half of Rome and, in order to divert suspicion from himself, blamed Christians for everything. The Romans considered Christians to be cannibals, misanthropes, and easily believed that Christians burned Rome. Mass persecution and brutal murders of Christians began, they were crucified on crosses, and then doused with oil and set on fire in the gardens of Neuron, and hunted to death by wild animals. These outrages stopped only with the death of the emperor. The second stage of persecution of Christians in the Roman Empire was the reign of Emperor Domitian (81-96). The emperor proclaimed himself a god and everyone should honor him; those who refused to bow to him were considered traitors.
During the reign of Trojan (98-117), an edict was issued officially recognizing the preachers of Christ as unlawful; this was considered a legal basis for the murder of Christians. The edict had a mandatory legal force throughout the Roman Empire, which made it possible to fight Christians outside the eternal city. The wise emperor Marcus Aurelius simply hated Christians; in them he saw a threat to the entire established way of life of the country.
Since the death of Marcus Aurelius, the persecution of Christians has decreased, people have become accustomed to them and practically stopped paying attention to them.
Meanwhile, the Great Empire was declining, tribes and states began to emerge along its borders, threatening the power of the empire, the Gallic tribes in the north, the Persians in the east. The only way to maintain the dominance of Rome was a return to traditions, including respect and fear of the Roman gods. To achieve results, all means were good. Any non-believers were subjected to terrible torture and persecution. More and more Romans became Christians; they did not pray to the Roman gods and even avoided military service. This state of affairs caused enormous damage to the state, whose power rested primarily on military force.
Christians were subjected to the most terrible persecution under Emperor Decius (249-251); he sought to retain power at any cost and the murder of infidels was his main policy. Thus, the persecution of Christians continued until the division of the Roman Empire into Eastern and Western.

PERSECUTION OF CHRISTIANS IN THE ROMAN EMPIRE. Persecution of the early Christian Church in the 1st-4th centuries as an "illegal" community organized by the Roman state. The persecution periodically resumed and ceased for various reasons.

The history of the relationship between the Roman Empire and Christian communities on its territory in the 1st-4th centuries is a complex set of theological, legal, religious and historical problems. During this period, Christianity in the Roman Empire did not have a stable status; it was officially considered an “illegal religion” (Latin religio illicita), which theoretically put its staunch adherents outside the law. At the same time, a significant part of the population of the empire, as well as certain circles of Roman high society, especially from the end of the 2nd - beginning of the 3rd centuries, sympathized with Christianity. The time of relatively peaceful, stable development of communities was followed by periods of more or less decisive persecution of Christianity by imperial or local authorities, persecution of the Christian Church. A hostile attitude towards Christians was characteristic of both the conservative aristocracy and the “crowd”, which tended to see Christians as the source of socio-political problems or natural disasters that occurred in the empire.

In determining the reasons for the rejection of Christianity by the Roman state and the persecution of the Church, modern researchers do not have a common opinion. Most often it is said about the incompatibility of the Christian worldview with the Roman traditional social and state orders. However, the history of Christianity since the 4th century, after the reforms of Emperor Constantine, points precisely to the compatibility and wide possibilities of interaction between Christianity and Roman society.

The religious confrontation between Christian doctrine and traditional Roman pagan religion is also pointed out. At the same time, the religious tradition of the ancient world, defined as paganism, is often perceived undifferentiated; the state and evolution of various types of cults on the territory of the empire are not taken into account. Nevertheless, the evolution of ancient religions during the imperial era had a significant impact on the spread of Christianity and its relationship with the state. Long before the advent of Christianity, the decline of the Greek Olympian religion, which retained influence only in some regions, became a fait accompli. The system of traditional Roman city cults, centered on the Capitol, was rapidly losing popularity in society by the time of the formation of the Principate in the 1st century BC. In the first centuries BC, syncretic cults of Middle Eastern origin became the most influential in the empire, as well as Christianity , aimed at spreading throughout the ecumene beyond ethnic and state boundaries and containing a meaningful tendency towards monotheism.

In addition, the internal development of ancient philosophical thought already from the 2nd century (Marcus Aurelius, Aristides), and especially in the 3rd-5th centuries, during the heyday of Neoplatonism, led to a significant convergence of the foundations of the Christian and late antique philosophical worldviews.

Persecution in different periods of the history of the empire and Christianity was caused by various reasons. At the early stage, I-II centuries, they were determined by the contradictions between the ideas of the Roman state cult and the principles of Christianity, as well as the long conflict between Rome and the Jews. Later, at the end of the 3rd-4th centuries, persecution was a consequence of the internal political and social struggle in the empire and accompanied the process of searching for new religious and ideological guidelines in society and the state. During this last period, the Christian Church turned into one of the social movements on which various political forces could rely, and at the same time the Church was subjected to persecution for political reasons. The particular severity of the persecution was also facilitated by the fact that Christians, having abandoned the Old Testament religion, retained an irreconcilable attitude towards all “alien”, “external” cults, which was originally characteristic of Judaism. A major role in the development of persecution was also played by the spread of eschatological expectations in the Christian environment, which were present to one degree or another in the life of communities throughout the 1st-4th centuries and influenced the behavior of Christians during persecution.

The Romans' tolerance for other religious traditions on the territory of the empire was based on the latter's recognition of Roman sovereignty and, consequently, the Roman state religion. The state, the bearer of tradition, principles of law, justice, was considered by the Romans to be the most important value, and serving it was perceived as the meaning human activity and one of the most important virtues. “The goal of a rational being,” as defined by Marcus Aurelius, “is to obey the laws of the state and the most ancient state structure” (Aurel. Antonin. Ep. 5). An integral part of the Roman. The political and legal system remained the Roman state religion, in which the Capitoline gods, led by Jupiter, acted as a symbol of the state, a powerful guarantor of its preservation, success and prosperity. According to the Principate of Augustus, the cult of the rulers of the empire became part of the state religion. In Rome it took the form of veneration of the "divine genius of the emperor", with Augustus and his successors bearing the title divus (i.e. divine, close to the gods). In the provinces, especially in the East, the emperor was directly revered as a god, which became a continuation of the tradition of the cult of the Hellenistic rulers of Egypt and Syria. After death, many emperors who had gained good fame among their subjects were officially deified in Rome. by special decision Senate The imperial cult began to develop most intensively in the era of the soldier emperors of the 3rd century, when the government, lacking the means to ensure its legitimacy, resorted to postulating the connection and involvement of the emperor with the supernatural. During this period, the definition of ruler Dominus et deus (Lord and God) appeared in the official title; the title was used sporadically by Domitian at the end of the 1st century, and reached widespread use under Aurelian and the tetrarchs at the end of the 3rd-4th centuries. One of the most important titles in the 3rd century was Sol Invictus (Invincible Sun), which had family ties both with Mithraism, which was influential in the empire, and with the Syrian cult of Bel-Marduk. The state cult of the imperial era, especially in the late period, could no longer satisfy the spiritual needs of the absolute majority of its population, but was steadily preserved and developed as a means of political and ideological unification of the country and was accepted by society.

The Roman state cult was initially unacceptable for Christians and inevitably led to a direct clash between the Church and the state. In an effort to demonstrate in every possible way their loyalty to the imperial authorities (according to the saying of the Apostle Paul, “there is no authority except from God” - Rom 31.1), Christians consistently separated the Roman state system from the Roman religious tradition. At the turn of the 2nd and 3rd centuries, Tertullian declared, addressing the Roman authorities: “Every person can dispose of himself, just as a person is free to do in matters of religion... Natural right, universal human right requires that everyone be given the opportunity to worship whoever he wants . The religion of one can neither be harmful nor beneficial for another... So, let some worship the true God, and others Jupiter...” Speaking about the right of a Christian - a subject of the empire not to recognize the Roman state cult, he declared: “Doesn’t he have the right to say: not I want Jupiter to favor me! Why are you bothering here? Let Janus be angry with me, let him turn to me the face he pleases!” (Tertull. Apol. adv. gent. 28). Origen in the 3rd century, in a treatise against Celsus, contrasted Christianity, which followed Divine law, with the Roman state, based on the law written by people: “We are dealing with two laws. One is a natural law, the cause of which is God, the other is a written law, which is given by the state. If they agree with each other, they should be observed equally. But if the natural, Divine law commands us to do something that is at odds with the legislation of the country, then we must ignore the latter and, neglecting the will of human legislators, obey only the divine will, no matter what dangers and labors are associated with this, even if we have to endure death and shame" (Orig. Contr. Cels. V 27).

A significant role in the persecution was also played by the hostility of the vast mass of the empire's population, from the lowest strata to the intellectual elite, towards Christians and Christianity. The perception of Christians by a significant part of the population of the empire was full of all kinds of prejudices, misunderstandings, and often direct slander against supporters of the teachings of Christ. An example of such perception is described in the dialogue “Octavius” by Minucius Felix (about 200). The author puts into the mouth of his interlocutor Caecilius judgments that expressed the most widespread views of the Romans on Christians: “From the lowest scum, ignorant and gullible women gathered there, who, due to the susceptibility to foreign influence inherent in their sex, already fall for any bait: they form a common gang of conspirators, which fraternizes not only during festivals with fasting and food unworthy of a person, but also in crimes, a suspicious, photophobic society, mute in public and chatty in the corners; they disdain the temples as if they were gravediggers, spit before the images of the gods, ridicule the sacred sacrifices; They look down on you - is it even possible to mention this? - with regret for our priests; They themselves are half naked, they despise positions and titles. O unimaginable stupidity, oh boundless impudence! They consider current torture to be nothing, because they are afraid of unknown futures, because they are afraid of dying after death, but they are not afraid of dying now. The false hope of resurrection consoles them and deprives them of all fear” (Min. Fel. Octavius. 25).

For their part, many Christians were no less biased towards the values ​​of ancient culture. The apologist Tatian (2nd century) spoke extremely contemptuously about ancient philosophy, science and literature: “Your (pagan - I.K.) eloquence is nothing more than an instrument of untruth, your poetry glorifies only quarrels and love tricks of the gods for the destruction of people, all your philosophers were fools and flatterers” (Tatian. Adv .gent. 1-2). The attitude of Christians towards the ancient theater was negative, which Tertullian (III century) and Lactantius (IV century) declared an unholy sanctuary of Venus and Bacchus. Many Christians considered it impossible to study music, painting, or maintain schools, since in their classes one way or another they heard names and symbols of pagan origin. As if summarizing the confrontation between Christianity and ancient civilization, Tertullian proclaimed: “Pagans and Christians are alien to each other in everything” (Tertull. Ad uxor. II 3).

History of persecution. Traditionally, for the first 3 centuries of the existence of the Church, there are 10 persecutions, finding an analogy with the 10 plagues of Egypt or the 10 horns of the apocalyptic beast (Ex 7-12; Rev 12. 3; 13. 1; 17. 3, 7, 12, 16), and include to the reign of the emperors Nero, Domitian, Trajan, Marcus Aurelius, Septimius Severus, Maximinus the Thracian, Decius, Valerian, Aurelian and Diocletian. Such a calculation was probably first made by the church writer of the turn of the 4th and 5th centuries, Sulpicius Severus (Sulp. Sev. Chron. II 28, 33; cf.: Aug. De civ. Dei. XVIII 52). In reality, this “figure does not have a solid historical basis,” since the number of persecutions that occurred during this period “can be counted both more and less” (Bolotov. Collected Works. Vol. 3, pp. 49-50).

Even during his earthly ministry, the Lord Himself predicted to His disciples the coming persecutions, when they “will be handed over to judgment courts and beaten in the synagogues” and “will be brought before rulers and kings for Me, to testify before them and the Gentiles” (Matthew 10. 17-18 ), and His followers will reproduce the very image of His Passion (“The cup that I drink you will drink, and with the baptism with which I am baptized you will be baptized” - Mk 10.39; Mt 20.23; cf. Mk 14.24 and Matthew 26:28). The Christian community, as soon as it emerged in Jerusalem, experienced the justice of the Savior’s words. The first persecutors of Christians were their fellow tribesmen and former co-religionists - the Jews. Already in the mid-30s of the 1st century, a list of Christian martyrs was revealed: around the year 35, the deacon and protomartyr Stephen was stoned to death by a crowd of “zealots for the law” (Acts 6:8-15; 7:1-60). During the short reign of the Jewish king Herod Agrippa (40-44 years), the Apostle James Zebedee, brother of the Apostle John the Theologian, was killed; another disciple of Christ, the Apostle Peter, was arrested and miraculously escaped execution (Acts 12. 1-3). Around the year 62, after the death of the governor of Judea Festus and before the arrival of his successor Albinus, by the verdict of the high priest Anna the Younger, the leader of the Christian community in Jerusalem, the Apostle James, the brother of the Lord in the flesh, was stoned (Ios. Flav. Antiq. XX 9. 1; Euseb. Hist. eccl. II 23. 4-20).

The successful spread of Christianity in the first decades of the existence of the Church outside Palestine - in the Jewish diaspora, primarily among Hellenized Jews and pagan proselytes - met with serious opposition from conservative Jews who did not want to give up a single point of their traditional ritual law (Frend. 1965 . P. 157). In their eyes (as, for example, it was the case with the Apostle Paul), the preacher of Christ was “the instigator of rebellion among the Jews living throughout the world” (Acts 24.5); they persecuted the apostles, forcing them to move from city to city, inciting the people to oppose them (Acts 13.50; 17.5-14). The enemies of the apostles tried to use civil power as a tool to suppress the missionary activities of Christians, but were faced with the reluctance of the Roman authorities to intervene in the conflict between Old and New Israel (Frend. 1965. P. 158-160). Officials looked at it as an internal affair of the Jews, considering Christians to be representatives of one of the branches of the Jewish religion. So, around the year 53 in Corinth, the proconsul of the province of Achaia, Lucius Junius Gallio (brother of the philosopher Seneca), refused to accept the case of the Apostle Paul for consideration, indicating to the accusers: “Figure it out for yourself, I don’t want to be a judge in this ...” (Acts 18. 12-17) . The Roman government during this period was not hostile either to the apostle or to his preaching (among other cases: in Thessalonica - Acts 17.5-9; in Jerusalem the attitude of the procurators Felix and Festus towards Paul - Acts 24.1-6; 25. 2). However, in the 40s, during the reign of Emperor Claudius, certain steps were taken in Rome directed against Christians: the authorities limited themselves to expelling from the city “the Jews, constantly worried about Christ” (Suet. Claud. 25.4).

Under Emperor Nero (64-68). The first serious clash between the Church and the Roman authorities, the causes and partly the nature of which are still the subject of debate, was associated with a strong fire in Rome, which occurred on July 19, 64. The Roman historian Tacitus (beginning of the 2nd century) reports that popular rumor suspected the emperor himself of arson, and then Nero, “to overcome the rumors, found the culprits and put to the most sophisticated executions those who had brought upon themselves universal hatred with their abominations and whom the crowd called Christians.” (Tac. Ann. XV 44). Both the authorities and the people of Rome looked upon Christianity as a “malicious superstition” (exitiabilis superstitio), a Jewish sect whose adherents were guilty “not so much of villainous arson as of hatred of the human race” (odio humani generis). Initially, “those who openly admitted themselves to belong to this sect were arrested, and then, on their orders, a great many others...”. They were brutally killed, given over to be torn to pieces by wild animals, crucified on crosses or burned alive “for the sake of night illumination” (Ibidem).

Christian authors of the late 1st and early 2nd centuries confirm the assumption that Christians in Rome at this time were still identified with Jewish sectarians. St. Clement of Rome seems to view persecution as a result of the conflict between the communities of Jews and Christians, believing that “through jealousy and envy the greatest and righteous pillars of the Church were subjected to persecution and death” (Clem. Rom. Ep. I ad Cor. 5; Herma Pastor 43.9, 13-14 (Commandment 11), about the Church as a “synagogue”). In this case, this persecution can be interpreted as a reaction of the Jews who did not accept Christ, who, having influential patrons at court in the person of the praetorian prefect Tigellinus and Poppaea Sabina, the 2nd wife of Nero, “managed to direct the anger of the mob towards the hated schismatics - the Christian synagogue” (Frend . P. 164-165).

The chief apostles Peter (mem. January 16, June 29, 30) and Paul (memorial June 29) became victims of persecution. The place, manner and time of their execution were recorded very early in Church Tradition. At the end of the 2nd century, the presbyter of the Roman Church Guy knew about the “victory trophy” of the apostles (i.e., their holy relics) located in the Vatican and on the Ostian road - the places where they ended their earthly life as martyrdom (Euseb. Hist. eccl. II 25. 6-7). The Apostle Peter was crucified on the cross upside down, the Apostle Paul, as a Roman citizen, was beheaded (John 21. 18-19; Clem. Rom. Ep. I ad Cor. 5; Lact. De mort. persecution. 3; Tertull. De praescript . haer. 36; idem. Adv. Gnost. 15; etc.). Regarding the time of the martyrdom of the Apostle Peter, it should be noted that Eusebius of Caesarea dates it to the year 67/8, probably because he is trying to justify the 25-year stay of the apostle in Rome, starting from the year 42 (Euseb. Hist. eccl. II 14 6). The time of death of the Apostle Paul is even more uncertain. The fact that he was executed as a Roman citizen allows us to believe that the execution took place in Rome either before the fire (in 62? - Bolotov. Collected works. T. 3. P. 60), or several years after it (Zeiller 1937. Vol. 1. P. 291).

In addition to the apostles, among the victims of the first persecution in Rome, the squads of the martyrs Anatolia, Photida, Paraskeva, Kyriacia, Domnina (commemorated March 20), Vasilisa and Anastasia (c. 68; memorial April 15) are known. The persecution was limited to Rome and its immediate environs, although it is possible that it spread to the provinces. In the Christian hagiographic tradition, the group of Kerkyra martyrs (Satornius, Iakischol, Favstian, etc.; commemorated April 28), the martyrs in Mediolanum (Gervasius, Protasius, Nazarius and Kelsius; commemorated Oct. 14) are attributed to the time of Emperor Nero. Vitaly of Ravenna (comm. April 28), martyr Gaudentius from the city of Philippi in Macedonia (comm. Oct. 9).

In connection with the first persecution by the Romans, the question of the application of legislation against Christians under Nero is important. In Western historiography, when solving this problem, researchers are divided into 2 groups. Representatives of the first - mainly Catholic French and Belgian scientists - believe that after the persecution of Nero, Christianity was prohibited by a special general law, the so-called institutum Neronianum, which was mentioned by Tertullian in the 3rd century (Tertull. Ad martyr. 5; Ad nat. 1. 7 ), and persecution resulted from this act. Proponents of this point of view noted that Christians were initially accused as arsonists, whom the frightened Nero pointed out, and after an investigation and clarification of their religious difference from the Jews, they were outlawed. Christianity was no longer viewed as a branch of Judaism, and therefore it was deprived of the status of a permitted religion (religio licita), under the “canopy” of which it existed in the first decades. Now his adherents faced a choice: participate as citizens or subjects of the Roman state in the official polytheistic cults of the empire or be persecuted. Since the Christian faith does not allow participation in the pagan cult, Christians remained outside the law: non licet esse christianos (it is not allowed to be Christians) - this is the meaning of the “general law” (Zeiller. 1937. Vol. 1. P. 295). Subsequently, J. Zeye changed his position, treating the institutum Neronianum more as a custom than as a written law (lex); opponents of this theory recognized the new interpretation as closer to the truth (Frend. 1965. P. 165). This attitude towards Christians is understandable if we consider that the Romans were suspicious of all foreign cults (Bacchus, Isis, Mithras, the religion of the Druids, etc.), the spread of which had long been considered a dangerous and harmful phenomenon for society and the state.

Other scholars, emphasizing the administrative and political nature of the persecution of Christians, denied the existence of a “general law” issued under Nero. From their point of view, it was enough to apply to Christians the already existing laws against sacrilege (sacrilegium) or lese majeste (res maiestatis), as Tertullian speaks of (Tertull. Apol. adv. gent. 10. 1). This thesis was expressed by K. Neumann (Neumann. 1890. S. 12). However, there is no information that in the first 2 centuries, during persecutions, Christians were accused of these crimes, which are closely related to each other (failure to recognize the emperor as a god entailed charges of lese majeste). Only in the 3rd century did attempts begin to force Christians to make sacrifices to the emperor’s deity. If Christians were accused of anything, it was disrespect for the gods of the empire, but even this did not make them atheists in the eyes of the authorities, as they were considered only by the ignorant lower classes. Other accusations that popular rumor brought against Christians - black magic, incest and infanticide - were never taken into account by official justice. It cannot therefore be said that the persecution was the result of the application of pre-existing legislation, since it did not contain a strict legal basis for the persecution of Christians.

According to another theory, persecution was the result of the use of coercion (coercitio) by senior magistrates (usually provincial governors) to maintain public order, which included the power of arrest and death sentences against violators, with the exception of Roman citizens (Mommsen. 1907). . Christians did not obey the orders of the authorities to renounce their faith, which was considered a violation of public order and entailed condemnation without the application of any special law. However, in the 2nd century, the highest magistrates considered it necessary to consult with the emperors regarding Christians. Moreover, their procedure, described by Pliny the Younger in a letter to the Emperor Trajan and repeatedly confirmed by subsequent emperors, involves measures of judicial inquiry (cognitio), and not the intervention of police power (coercitio).

Thus, the question of the original legislative basis in Roman law regarding persecution remains open. Christians' self-image as the "true Israel" and their refusal to adhere to Jewish ceremonial law brought them into conflict with Orthodox Jews. The Christians found themselves in such a position before the Roman authorities that there was no need for a general edict against them, since it was customary for a man to obey some existing law: if he did not obey the Jewish law, he had to obey the law of his own city. If both of these laws were rejected, then he was suspected as an enemy of the gods, and therefore of the society in which he lived. Under such circumstances, accusations before the authorities from personal enemies, including Orthodox Jews, have always been dangerous for a Christian.

Under Emperor Domitian (96). The persecution erupted in the final months of his 15-year reign. Saints Meliton of Sardis (ap. Euseb. Hist. eccl. IV 26. 8) and Tertullian (Apol. adv. gent. 5. 4) call him the 2nd “persecutor emperor.” Domitian, who left a memory as a gloomy and suspicious tyrant, took measures to eradicate Jewish customs, which were widespread in Rome among the senatorial aristocracy during the reign of his father Vespasian and brother Titus (Suet. Domit. 10.2; 15.1; Dio Cassius . Hist. Rom. LXVII 14; Euseb. Hist. eccl. III 18. 4). In order to replenish the state treasury, Domitian pursued a strict financial policy, consistently collecting from the Jews a special tax (fiscus judaicus) in the amount of a didrachm, previously levied on the Jerusalem temple, and after its destruction - in favor of Jupiter Capitoline. This tax was imposed not only on “those who openly led a Jewish lifestyle,” but also on “those who hid their origin,” evading its payment (Suet. Domit. 12.2). The authorities could also count Christians among the latter, many of whom, as it was found out during the investigation, turned out to be non-Jews (Bolotov. Collected works. T. 3. P. 62-63; Zeiller. 1937. Vol. 1. P. 302) . Among the victims of the suspicious Domitian were his close relatives, accused of atheism (ἀθεότης) and observance of Jewish customs (᾿Ιουδαίων ἤθη): the consul of 91 Acilius Glabrion and the emperor’s cousin, the consul of 95 Titus Flavius ​​Clement, were executed. The latter's wife, Flavia Domitilla, was sent into exile (Dio Cassius. Hist. Rom. LXVII 13-14). Eusebius of Caesarea, as well as the tradition of the Roman Church recorded in the 4th century, confirm that Domitilla “along with many” suffered “for the confession of Christ” (Euseb. Hist. eccl. III 18. 4; Hieron. Ep. 108: Ad Eustoch.). Regarding Saint Clement of Rome, there is no reliable information that he suffered for his faith. This circumstance does not allow us to call him a Christian martyr, although very early attempts were made to identify Flavius ​​Clement with the 3rd Bishop of Rome after the Apostle Peter, Saint Clement (see: Bolotov. Collected works. T. 3. pp. 63-64; Duchesne L History of the Ancient Church, Moscow, 1912, Vol. 1, p. 144).

This time the persecution affected the provinces of the Roman Empire. The Revelation of the Apostle John the Theologian reports on the persecution of Christians by the authorities, the people and the Jews (Rev 13; 17). In the cities of Asia Minor Smyrna and Pergamum, bloody scenes of the torment of believers took place (Rev 2.8-13). Among the victims was the Bishop of Pergamon, Hieromartyr Antipas (mem. April 11). The Apostle John the Theologian was taken to Rome, where he testified his faith before the emperor, and was exiled to the island of Patmos (Tertull. De praescr. haer. 36; Euseb. Hist. eccl. III 17; 18.1, 20.9). Christians in Palestine were also persecuted. According to the 2nd century historian Igisippus, whose news was preserved by Eusebius of Caesarea (Ibid. III 19-20), Emperor Domitian undertook an investigation into the descendants of King David - relatives of the Lord in the flesh.

Pliny the Younger, in a letter to Emperor Trajan (traditionally dated around 112), reports about Christians in the province of Bithynia who renounced the faith 20 years before his time, which may also be associated with the persecution of Domitian (Plin. Jun. Ep. X 96).

Under Emperor Trajan (98-117) A new period of relations between the Church and the Roman state began. It was this sovereign, not only a talented commander, but also an excellent administrator, whom his contemporaries and descendants considered the “best emperor” (optimus princeps), who formulated the first legal basis for the persecution of Christians that has survived to this day. Among the letters of Pliny the Younger there is his request to Trajan about Christians and the emperor’s response message, a rescript - a document that determined the attitude of the Roman authorities to the new religion for a century and a half (Plin. Jun. Ep. X 96-97).

Pliny the Younger, around 112-113, sent by Trajan as legate extraordinary to Bithynia (northwest Asia Minor), encountered a significant number of Christians. Pliny admitted that he had never previously participated in legal proceedings involving Christians, but, having come into contact with them, he already considered them as guilty and subject to punishment. But he did not know what to charge them with - professing Christianity or some possibly related crimes. Without conducting a special trial, using the inquiry procedure (cognitio), which consisted of 3-fold interrogation of the accused, Pliny condemned all who stubbornly adhered to Christianity to death. “I had no doubt,” wrote Pliny, “that whatever they confessed, they should have been punished for their inflexible rigidity and stubbornness” (Ibid. X 96.3).

Soon Pliny began to receive anonymous denunciations, which turned out to be false. This time, some of the accused admitted that they had once been Christians, but some of them had left this faith for 3 years, and some for 20 years. This explanation, according to Pliny, gave the right to leniency towards them, even if someone was guilty of a crime. To prove their innocence, Pliny offered the accused ritual tests: burning incense and pouring a libation of wine in front of the image of the Roman gods and the emperor, as well as pronouncing a curse on Christ. Former Christians said that they met on a certain day before sunrise and sang hymns to Christ as God. In addition, they were bound by an oath not to commit crimes: not to steal, not to commit adultery, not to bear false witness, and not to refuse to give out confidential information. After the meeting, they shared a meal together, which included regular food. All this refuted the accusations of black magic, incest and infanticide, traditionally leveled by the mob against the first Christians. To confirm such information, Pliny, under torture, interrogated 2 slaves called “ministers” (deaconesses - ministrae), and “discovered nothing but an immense ugly superstition,” which is unacceptable to tolerate (Ibid. X 96. 8).

In the protracted trial of Christians, it was found that many both urban and rural residents of the province were “infected with harmful superstition.” Pliny suspended the investigation and turned to the emperor with questions: whether to punish the accused only for calling themselves Christians, even if there are no other crimes, or only for crimes related to calling themselves Christians; Should we forgive for repentance and renunciation of faith and should we take into account the age of the accused? The request also noted that not too harsh measures against Christians had their effect: pagan temples began to be visited again, and the demand for sacrificial meat increased.

In the rescript, Trajan supported his governor, but gave him freedom of action, since for this kind of matter “it is impossible to establish a general definite rule” (Ibid. X 97). The emperor insisted that actions against Christians be within the framework of strict legality: the authorities should not take the initiative to search for Christians, anonymous denunciations were strictly prohibited, and when openly accusing stubborn Christians, the emperor ordered execution without distinction of age for simply calling themselves Christians. releasing anyone who openly renounces their faith. In this case, it is enough for the accused to make a sacrifice to the Roman gods. As for worshiping the image of the emperor and pronouncing a curse on Christ, the emperor passed over these actions taken by Pliny in silence.

As a result of the appearance of such a rescript, Christians, on the one hand, could be punished as criminals, being adherents of an unlawful religion, on the other hand, due to their relative harmlessness, since Christianity was not considered the same serious crime as theft or robbery, which should primarily be punished The local Roman authorities paid attention to the fact that Christians should not be searched for, and in case of renunciation of faith they should be released. Emperor Trajan's rescript to Pliny, as the emperor's response to his official on a private issue, did not have the binding force of law for the entire Roman Empire, but became a precedent. Over time, similar private rescripts could appear for other provinces. It is possible that as a result of the publication by Pliny the Younger of his correspondence with the emperor, this document gained fame and became a legal norm for the attitude of the Roman authorities towards Christians. “History indicates certain special cases in which the effect of the rescript continued until the time of Diocletian, despite the fact that during the persecution of Decius the government itself took the initiative in the persecution of Christians” (Bolotov. Collected works. Vol. 3. P. 79) .

In addition to the nameless Christians in the provinces of Bithynia and Pontus, where Pliny acted, under Trajan, the holy martyr Simeon, son of Cleopas, relative of the Lord and bishop of Jerusalem, died a martyr at the age of 120 (mem. April 27; Euseb. Hist. eccl. III 32. 2- 6; according to Hegisippus). The traditional date of his death is 106/7; there are other dates: around the year 100 (Frend. 1965. P. 185, 203, n. 49) and 115-117 (Bolotov. Collected works. T. 3. P. 82). According to some sources of late origin (not earlier than the 4th century), at the same time, Pope Clement, the third after Linus and Anacletus, was exiled to the Crimean peninsula and died there as a martyr; Eusebius of Caesarea reports his death in the 3rd year of Trajan's reign (c. 100; Euseb. Hist. eccl. III 34). It is also known about the martyrdom of Eustathius Placis and his family in Rome around the year 118 (commemorated September 20).

The central figure of the persecutions under Emperor Trajan is the Hieromartyr Ignatius the God-Bearer, Bishop of Antioch. The acts of his martyrdom, which exist in 2 editions, are unreliable. The testimony of Ignatius himself has also been preserved - 7 of his letters addressed to the Hieromartyr Polycarp of Smyrna, the communities of Asia Minor and Roman Christians, which were written by him during a long journey under guard from Antioch, accompanied by his companions Zosima and Rufus along the coast of Asia Minor and through Macedonia (along the road which in the Middle Ages received the name Via Egnatia in his honor) to Rome, where the apostolic husband ended his earthly journey, being thrown to be devoured by animals in the circus on the occasion of the celebration of the victory of Emperor Trajan over the Dacians. During his forced journey, Ignatius enjoyed relative freedom. He met with the Hieromartyr Polycarp, he was met by deputations from many Asia Minor Churches who wanted to express respect for the Bishop of Antioch and love for him. Ignatius, in response, supported Christians in the faith, warned about the danger of the recently appeared docetism, asked for their prayers, so that, having become truly “the pure bread of Christ” (Ign. Ep. ad Pom. 4), he would be worthy to become the food of animals and reach God. Eusebius in the Chronicle dates this event to the year 107; V.V. Bolotov dates it to the year 115, connecting it with the Parthian campaign of the emperor (Bolotov. Collected works. T. 3. pp. 80-82).

Christians in Macedonia also experienced persecution under Trajan. An echo of the persecution of Christians that took place in this European province is contained in the message of the Hieromartyr Polycarp of Smyrna to the Christians of the city of Philippi with a call for patience, which they “saw with their own eyes not only in Blessed Ignatius, Zosimus and Rufus, but also in others among you” (Polycarp Ad Phil. 9). The chronology of this event is unknown; most likely it occurred at the same time as the martyrdom of Ignatius the God-Bearer.

Under Emperor Hadrian (117-138) Trajan's successor in 124-125 instructed the proconsul of the province of Asia Minitius Fundan on the nature of actions towards Christians. Shortly before this, the former ruler of the same province, Licinius Granian, addressed the emperor with a letter in which he noted that “it is unfair to execute Christians without any accusation, just to please the screaming crowd” (Euseb. Hist. eccl. IV 8.6) . Probably, the provincial government was once again faced with the demands of the mob to persecute, without observing legal formalities, representatives of a religion alien to it, who denied its gods. In response, Adrian ordered: “If the inhabitants of the province can confirm their accusation against Christians and answer before the court, then let them act this way, but not with demands and cries. It is very proper, in the event of an accusation, to conduct an investigation. If anyone can prove their accusation, namely, that they (Christians - A. Kh.) are acting illegally, then establish a punishment in accordance with the crime. If anyone has made a business out of denunciations, put a stop to this disgrace” (Euseb. Hist. eccl. IV 9. 2-3). Thus, Hadrian's new rescript confirmed the norm established by his predecessor: anonymous denunciations were prohibited, legal proceedings against Christians were initiated only if there was an accuser. Due to this circumstance, Christians acquired some protection, since if the defendant’s guilt turned out to be unproven, a harsh fate awaited the accuser as a slanderer. In addition, the process against Christians required certain material costs on the part of the informer, since the accusation could only be accepted by the governor of the province, endowed with the power to pronounce the death sentence, and therefore not everyone was ready to decide to travel to a remote city, where he had to conduct a long, costly money litigation.

Many second-century Christians felt that Hadrian's Rescript provided them with protection. This is probably how the martyr Justin the Philosopher understood it, citing the text of the document in the 1st Apology (Chapter 68). Meliton of Sardis mentions the rescript as being favorable to Christians (ap. Euseb. Hist. eccl. IV 26. 10). However, despite the fact that in practice Hadrian's rescript was close to tolerance, Christianity still remained outlawed. At the end of Hadrian's reign, Pope Saint Telesphorus died a martyr (Euseb. Hist. eccl. IV 10; Iren. Adv. haer. III 3). Justin the Philosopher, who was baptized precisely during this period, in the 2nd Apology (Chapter 12) writes about the martyrs who influenced his choice and affirmation in the faith. Other martyrs who suffered under Hadrian are also known: Esper and Zoe of Attalia (commemorated on May 2), Philetus, Lydia, Macedon, Kronid, Theoprepius and Amphilochius of Illyria (commemorated on March 23). Church Tradition also connects the martyrdom of Faith, Nadezhda, Love and their mother Sophia in Rome with the era of Emperor Hadrian (mem. September 17).

Under Hadrian, Christians in Palestine who refused to join the anti-Roman uprising of the Jews in 132-135 faced severe persecution from them as well. The martyr Justin reports that the leader of the Jews, Bar Kokhba, “ordered that only Christians should be subjected to terrible torment if they did not renounce Jesus Christ and blaspheme Him” (Iust. Martyr. I Apol. 31.6). In a letter found by archaeologists in 1952 in the Wadi Murabbaat area (25 km southeast of Jerusalem), Bar Kochba mentions certain “Galileans” (Allegro J. M. The Dead Sea Scrolls. Harmondsworth, 1956. Fig. 7). This, according to W. Friend, may be an indirect confirmation of the message of Justin the Philosopher (Frend. P. 227-228, 235, n. 147; for a discussion about Bar Kochba’s letter, see: RB. 1953. Vol. 60. P 276-294; 1954. Vol. 61. P. 191-192; 1956. Vol. 63. P. 48-49).

Under Emperor Antoninus Pius (138-161) Hadrian's religious policy continued. Without repealing strict legislation against Christians, he did not allow the mob to speak out. Saint Melito of Sardis mentions 4 rescripts from the emperor addressed to the cities of Larissa, Thessalonica, Athens and the provincial assembly of Achaia, “so that there would be no innovations in relation to us” (Euseb. Hist. eccl. IV 26. 10). The name of Antoninus Pius is also traditionally associated with a rescript addressed to the province of Asia, which exists in 2 editions: as an appendix to the 1st apology of the martyr Justin (Chapter 70 in the Russian translation of Archpriest P. Preobrazhensky after the rescript of Hadrian) and in “ Church History" by Eusebius under the name of Marcus Aurelius (Ibid. IV 13. 1-7). However, despite the fact that A. von Harnack spoke for its authenticity (Harnack A. Das Edict des Antoninus Pius // TU. 1895. Bd. 13. H. 4. S. 64), most researchers recognize the rescript as fraudulent. It may have been written by an unknown Christian at the end of the 2nd century. The author sets the religious devotion of Christians as an example to the pagans, emphasizes their humility; the idea he expresses about the pagan gods does not correspond to the views of either Antoninus Pius, or even less so Marcus Aurelius (Coleman-Norton. 1966. Vol. 1. P. 10). In general, the document is not consistent with the real position that Christians occupied in the Roman Empire during this period.

Under Antoninus Pius in Rome around 152-155, the presbyter Ptolemy and 2 laymen who bore the name Lucius turned out to be victims of the pagans (memo. zap. Oct. 19). The martyr Justin (Iust. Martyr. II Apol. 2) tells about their trial: a certain noble Roman, irritated by his wife’s conversion to Christianity, accused Ptolemy of her conversion before the prefect of Rome Lollius Urbicus, who pronounced a death sentence in this case. The trial was observed by 2 young Christians. They tried to protest this decision before the prefect, since, in their opinion, the convict had not committed any crime, and his only guilt was that he was a Christian. Both young men were also executed after a short trial.

During the reign of Antoninus Pius, the Hieromartyr Polycarp, Bishop of Smyrna, suffered because of the anger of the rebellious mob. A reliable record of the martyrdom of this apostolic man has been preserved in the letter of the Christians of the city of Smyrna to “the Church of God in Philomelia and all the places where the holy universal Church has found refuge” (Euseb. Hist. eccl. IV 15. 3-4). The chronology of Polycarp's martyrdom is controversial. From 2nd half of the 19th century century, many Church historians attribute this event to the last years of the reign of Antoninus Pius: to 155 (A. Harnack; Zeiller. 1937. Vol. 1. P. 311), to 156 (E. Schwartz), to 158 (Bolotov. Collected works, vol. 3, pp. 93-97). Traditional the dating of February 23, 167, based on the Chronicle and Ecclesiastical History of Eusebius (Eusebius. Werke. B., 1956. Bd. 7. S. 205; Euseb. Hist. eccl. IV 14. 10), is also accepted by some researchers (Frend. 1965. P. 270 ff.). In the city of Philadelphia (Asia Minor), 12 Christians were arrested and sent to the annual games in Smyrna, where they were abandoned for the entertainment of the people in the circus to be devoured by animals. One of the condemned, the Phrygian Quintus, got scared at the last moment and made a sacrifice to the pagan gods. The angry crowd was not satisfied with the spectacle and demanded to find the “teacher of Asia” and the “father of Christians” Bishop Polycarp. The authorities were forced to make concessions, found him and brought him to the amphitheater. Despite his advanced age, the holy martyr Polycarp stood firm: during interrogation, he refused to swear by the fortune of the emperor and pronounce a curse on Christ, which the proconsul of Asia Statius Quadratus insisted on. “I have served Him for 86 years,” answered the elderly bishop, “and He has not offended me in any way. Can I blaspheme my King, who saved me? (Euseb. Hist. eccl. IV 15. 20). Polycarp confessed himself to be a Christian and, after persistent persuasion and threats from the proconsul, was condemned to be burned alive (Ibid. IV 15.29).

From the middle of the 2nd century, Roman authorities in various provinces increasingly had to reckon with the social factor of the spread of Christianity, which had a serious impact on the nature and intensity of persecution. By this time, from a little-known Jewish sect, as Christians seemed to contemporaries at the end of the 1st century (when Tacitus had to explain their origin), the Church had turned into an influential organization that could no longer be ignored. Christian communities arose in the most remote corners of the empire, actively engaged in missionary activities, attracting new members almost exclusively from among the pagans. The Church successfully (although sometimes painfully) overcame not only the consequences of external pressure from the pagan world, but also internal schisms, for example those associated with the influence of Gnosticism or emerging Montanism. During this period, the Roman government did not take the initiative in persecuting the Church and had difficulty restraining outbreaks of popular anger against Christians. To the traditional accusations of black magic, cannibalism, incest and atheism were added accusations of various natural disasters, which, according to the pagans, expressed the anger of the gods at the presence of Christians in the empire. As Tertullian wrote, “if the Tiber overflows or the Nile does not overflow its banks, if there is drought, earthquake, famine, plague, they immediately shout: “Christians to the lion!”” (Tertull. Apol. adv. gent. 40. 2). The mob demanded from the authorities and sometimes achieved persecution of Christians without observing any legal formalities. Educated pagans also opposed Christianity: some intellectuals, like Marcus Cornelius Fronto, a close associate of Marcus Aurelius, were willing to believe in the “monstrous crimes” of Christians (Min. Fel. Octavius. 9), but most educated Romans did not share the prejudices of the crowd. However, perceiving the new religion as a threat to traditional Greco-Roman culture and its social and religious order, they considered Christians to be members of a secret illegal society or participants in a “rebellion against the social order” (Orig. Contr. Cels. I 1; III 5). Dissatisfied with the fact that their provinces were “filled with atheists and Christians” (Lucianus Samosatenus. Alexander sive pseudomantis. 25 // Lucian / Ed. A. M. Harmon. Camb., 1961r. Vol. 4), they openly justified the government’s harsh anti-Christian measures. Representatives of the intellectual elite of the empire did not limit themselves, like Lucian, to ridiculing the teachings or social composition of the Church, presenting the faithful as a collection of “old women, widows, orphans” (Lucianus Samosatenus. De morte Peregrini. 12 // Ibid. Camb., 1972r. Vol. 5), but, like Celsus, consistently attacked many aspects of the theology and social behavior of Christians, denying representatives of the Christian religion the opportunity to belong to the intellectual elite of Greco-Roman society (Orig. Contr. Cels. III 52).

Under Emperor Marcus Aurelius (161-180) the legal status of the Church has not changed. The norms of anti-Christian legislation introduced under the first Antonines were still in effect; Bloody persecutions occurred sporadically in many places in the empire. Saint Melito of Sardis, in an apology addressed to this emperor, reports that something unheard of is happening in Asia: “... according to the new edicts, pious people are being persecuted and persecuted; shameless informers and lovers of other people’s things, based on these orders, openly commit robbery, robbing innocent people night and day.” The apologist calls on the emperor to act justly and even expresses doubt whether by his order a “new edict appeared, which would not be appropriate to issue even against barbarian enemies” (ap. Euseb. Hist. eccl. IV 26). Based on this news, some historians conclude that “the persecution of Marcus Aurelius was carried out according to a personal imperial order, which approved the persecution of Christians” and made changes to those previously issued against them regulations(Lebedev. P. 77-78). Sources indeed confirm during this period the intensification of anti-Christian protests of the people, they note the facts of simplification of judicial proceedings, the search and acceptance of anonymous denunciations, but the preservation of the previous nature of punishments. However, from the words of Saint Melito it is difficult to understand what he meant: general imperial laws (edicts, δόϒματα) or responses to private requests from provincial authorities (orders, διατάϒματα) - both terms are used by him when describing events. In the “Petition for Christians” (Chapter 3) of Athenagoras addressed to Marcus Aurelius, as well as in some reports about the martyrdoms of that time (martyr Justin the Philosopher, Lugdun martyrs - Acta Justini; Euseb. Hist. eccl. V 1) the facts of essential changes in Roman legislation regarding Christians. This emperor considered Christianity a dangerous superstition, the fight against which had to be consistent, but within the framework of strict legality. In his philosophical work, Marcus Aurelius rejected the fanaticism of Christians going to their death, seeing this as a manifestation of “blind persistence” (Aurel. Anton. Ad se ipsum. XI 3). The “new edicts” and the change in the nature of the persecutions attributed by Melito to Marcus Aurelius could well have been the result of the demands of the pagans and the response actions of the provincial rulers, who, on the one hand, were well aware of the emperor’s moods, and on the other, sought to somehow calm down the anti-Christian part of society and forced every time to seek advice from the emperor (Ramsay. P. 339; Zeiller. Vol. 1. P. 312).

They are trying to connect with the persecutions in the 60-70s of the 2nd century another legal monument, preserved in the Digests of Emperor Justinian (VI century; Lebedev. p. 78), according to which “the divine Mark decreed in a rescript that those guilty of embarrassing weak human souls with superstitious customs send to the islands” (Dig. 48. 19. 30). This document appeared in the last years of the reign of Marcus Aurelius. However, the inclusion of such a norm in the general imperial legislation by the Christian emperor of the 6th century, as well as the softness towards criminals that does not correspond to historical facts, do not allow us to recognize this document as having an anti-Christian orientation (Ramsay. P. 340).

Emperor Marcus Aurelius is credited with a rescript to the Senate to end the persecution of Christians. According to the account given by Tertullian and Eusebius, during a campaign against the Germanic Quadi tribe (circa 174), the Roman army, starved and thirsty due to severe drought and surrounded by superior enemy forces, was miraculously saved by a thunderstorm that broke out through the prayers of Christian soldiers Melitinsky legion, renamed for this “Lightning” (Legio XII Fulminata; Tertull. Apol. adv. gent. 5. 6; Euseb. Hist. eccl. V 5. 2-6). In the letter, the text of which is given in the appendix to the 1st apology of the martyr Justin the Philosopher (Chapter 71 in Russian translation), the emperor, having told about the miracle, from now on allows Christians to be, “so that they do not receive through their prayer and against us what - or weapons,” prohibits persecuting them, forcing them to apostatize from the faith and depriving them of freedom, and orders anyone who accuses a Christian of only being a Christian to be burned alive. “The rescript of Marcus Aurelius is undoubtedly framed,” since this emperor throughout his reign did not deviate from the principles established by his predecessors and each time cruelly persecuted Christians - this is the verdict of Church historians regarding this document (Bolotov. Collected works. Vol. 3. pp. 86-87; Zeiller. Vol. 1. P. 316).

In general, the number of martyrs known by name and revered by the Church who were persecuted under Marcus Aurelius is approximately the same as under the other Antonines. At the beginning of the reign of Marcus Aurelius (about 162), the martyr Felicita and 7 other martyrs, who are traditionally considered her sons, suffered in Rome (see: Allard P. Histoire des persécutions pendant les deux premiers siècles. P., 19083. P. 378, n. 2). A few years later (the usual date is around 165), following a denunciation by the Cynic philosopher Crescentus, the prefect of Rome, Junius Rusticus, condemned the martyr Justin the Philosopher, who had organized a Christian catechetical school in Rome. Along with him, 6 students suffered, among them was a woman named Charito (Acta Justini. 1-6). The fact of Crescent's denunciation (some researchers dispute its existence - see, for example: Lebedev. pp. 97-99) is based on reports of Tatian and Eusebius of Caesarea, who used him (Tat. Contr. graec. 19; Euseb. Hist. eccl. IV 16. 8-9). The martyr Justin in the 2nd apology (Chapter 3) considered Crescent as a possible culprit for his impending death. Reliable acts of martyrdom of Justin and his disciples have been preserved in 3 editions (see: SDHA. P. 341 ff., translation of all editions into Russian: P. 362-370).

Persecution affected the Churches in other places of the Roman Empire: the Christians of Gortyn and other cities of Crete were persecuted (Euseb. Hist. eccl. IV 23.5), the Primate of the Athenian Church Publius was martyred (memorial January 21; Ibid. IV 23 .2-3). Bishop Dionysius of Corinth, in a letter to the Roman Bishop Soter (around 170), thanks him for the help that the Roman Church provided to those sentenced to hard labor in the mines (Ibid. IV 23. 10). In Asia Minor, during the proconsulate of Sergius Paul (164-166), Bishop Sagaris of Laodicea died a martyr (Ibid. IV 26.3; V 24.5); Around 165 (or 176/7) Bishop Thraseus of Eumenia was executed (Ibid. V 18.13; 24.4), and in Apamea-on-Meander - 2 other residents of the city of Eumenia, Guy and Alexander (Ibid. V 16. 22); in Pergamon, around 164-168, Carp, Papila and Agathonika suffered (Ibid. IV 15, 48; in the hagiographic tradition, this martyrdom dates back to the time of the Decius persecution; memorial Oct. 13).

The persecution took place against the backdrop of increasing hostility among the mob. Saint Theophilus of Antioch noted that the pagan Christians “pursued and are persecuted daily, some were stoned, others were killed...” (Theoph. Antioch. Ad Autol. 3. 30). In the West of the Empire, in 2 cities of Gaul, Vienne (modern Vienne) and Lugdun (modern Lyon), in the summer of 177, one of the most fierce persecutions took place (see Lugdun martyrs; memorial zap. July 25, June 2). These events are narrated in the letter of the Vienne and Lugdunian Churches to the Churches of Asia and Phrygia (preserved in Eusebius’s “Ecclesiastical History” - Euseb. Hist. eccl. V 1). In both cities, for unknown reasons, Christians were prohibited from appearing in in public places- in baths, markets, etc., as well as in citizens’ homes. The mob attacked them “in droves and in crowds.” The municipal authorities, before the arrival of the governor of the province of Lugdunian Gaul, made arrests among Christians without regard to their age, gender and social status, imprisoning them after preliminary interrogation under torture. The arrival of the governor marked the beginning of judicial reprisals, accompanied by torture and torture. Even those arrested who had fallen away from the faith continued to be kept in prison together with staunch confessors. The local bishop, Hieromartyr Pofinus, died in prison after many insults. Matur, Deacon Saint, slave Blandina, her teenage brother Pontik and many others were subjected to inhuman torture. etc. Regarding Attalus, a famous person in Lugdunum and a Roman citizen, a difficulty arose. The governor, not having the right to execute him, turned to the emperor with a request. Marcus Aurelius answered in the spirit of Trajan’s rescript: “To torture confessors, to let go of those who deny.” The governor "ordered the Roman citizens to cut off their heads and throw the rest to the beasts." An exception was made in relation to Attalus: for the sake of the mob, he was also thrown to the beasts. Those apostates who, while in prison, again turned to Christ, were tortured and then executed. In total, 48 people became victims of this persecution in Gaul, according to tradition. The bodies of the martyrs were burned and the ashes were thrown into the Rodan (Rhone) River.

Under Emperor Commodus (180-192) Calmer times have come for the Church. In Roman history, this emperor left a bad reputation after his death, because, unlike his father Marcus Aurelius, he had little interest in state affairs. Showing indifference to politics, he turned out to be a less adamant persecutor of Christians than other representatives of the Antonine dynasty. In addition, Commodus was strongly influenced by his concubin Marcia, a Christian, although she had not been baptized (Dio Cassius. Hist. Rom. LXXII 4.7). Other Christians appeared at the emperor’s court, mentioned by Irenaeus (Adv. haer. IV 30. 1): freedmen Proxenus (who later played a prominent role in the reign of Septimius Severus) and Carpophorus (according to Hippolytus of Rome, master of the future Pope Callista - see : Hipp. Philos. IX 11-12). The favorable attitude towards Christians at court could not go unnoticed for long in the provinces. Although the anti-Christian legislation remained in force, the central government did not call on the magistrates for persecution, and they could not help but take such changes into account. For example, in Africa, around 190, the proconsul Cincius Severus secretly informed the Christians brought to him how they should answer before him in court in order to be released, and his successor Vespronius Candidus generally refused to judge Christians who were brought to him by an angry crowd (Tertull. Ad Scapul. 4). In Rome, Marcia managed to obtain from Emperor Commodus the forgiveness of confessors sentenced to hard labor in the mines of the island of Sardinia. Pope Victor, through the presbyter Iacinthos, who was close to Marcia, presented a list of confessors who were released (among them was the future Roman Bishop Callistus; Hipp. Philos. IX 12. 10-13).

Nevertheless, scenes of ruthless persecution of Christians could be observed under Commodus. At the beginning of his reign (about 180) in Proconsular Africa, the first Christian martyrs suffered in this province, the memory of which has been preserved to the present day. 12 Christians from the small city of Scyllia in Numidia, accused in Carthage before the proconsul Vigelius Saturninus, firmly confessed their faith, refused to make a sacrifice to the pagan gods and swear by the genius of the emperor, for which they were convicted and beheaded (memorial July 17; see: Bolotov V. V. On the question of Acta Martyrum Scillitanorum // Kh.Ch. 1903. T. 1. P. 882-894; T. 2. P. 60-76). A few years later (in 184 or 185), the proconsul of Asia, Arrius Antoninus, brutally dealt with Christians (Tertull. Ad Scapul. 5). In Rome, around 183-185, Senator Apollonius suffered (memorial April 18) - another example of the penetration of Christianity into the highest circles of the Roman aristocracy. The slave who accused him of Christianity was executed in accordance with ancient laws, since it was forbidden for slaves to denounce their masters, but this did not free the martyr Apollonius from answering before the praetorian prefect Tigidius Perennius, who invited him to leave the Christian faith and swear by the genius of the emperor. Apollonius refused and 3 days later read an apology in his defense before the Senate, at the end of which he again refused to sacrifice to the pagan gods. Despite the convincingness of the speech, the prefect was forced to condemn Apollonius to death, since “those once brought to trial can be released only if they change their way of thinking” (Euseb. Hist. eccl. V 21.4).

A new stage in the relationship between the Church and the Roman state occurred during the reign of the Severan dynasty (193-235), whose representatives, caring little about the preservation and establishment of the old Roman religious order, adhered to a policy of religious syncretism. Under the emperors of this dynasty, oriental cults became widespread throughout the empire, penetrating various classes and social groups of its population. Christians, especially under the last 3 emperors of the Severan dynasty, lived relatively calmly, sometimes even enjoying the personal favor of the ruler.

Under Emperor Septimius Severus (193-211) persecution began in 202. Septimius was a Punic from the province of Africa. In his origin, as well as in the influence on him of his 2nd wife Julia Domna, the daughter of a Syrian priest from Emesa, they see the reasons for the new religious policy of the Roman state. In the first decade of Septimius's reign, Severus was tolerant of Christians. They were also among his courtiers: one of them, Proculus, healed the emperor (Tertull. Ad Scapul. 4.5).

However, in 202, after the Parthian campaign, the emperor took measures against Jewish and Christian proselytism. According to the Biography of the North, he “forbade conversion to Judaism under pain of severe punishment; he established the same regarding Christians” (Scr. hist. Aug. XVII 1). Persecution scholars are divided on the meaning of this message: some consider it fiction or delusion, others see no reason not to accept it. There is also no consensus on the nature of persecution under the North. For example, W. Friend, relying on the words of Hieromartyr Hippolytus of Rome in his Commentary on the Book of the Prophet Daniel, that before the Second Coming “the faithful will be destroyed in all cities and villages” (Hipp. In Dan. IV 50.3), believes that persecution during Emperor Severus "was the first coordinated general movement against Christians" (Frend. 1965, p. 321), but it affected a small group of Christian converts or not yet baptized people in many provinces. Perhaps because of the relatively high social status of some of the victims, this persecution had a particular impact on society. Eusebius of Caesarea, mentioning the Christian writer Judas, who compiled a chronicle before 203, adds: “He thought that the coming of the Antichrist, about whom they talked endlessly, was approaching; the strong persecution against us at that time gave rise to confusion in many minds” (Euseb. Hist. eccl. VI 7).

Christians were brought to Alexandria for punishment from Egypt and Thebaid. The head of the catechetical school, Clement of Alexandria, was forced to leave the city due to persecution. His disciple Origen, whose father Leonidas was among the martyrs, took upon himself the training of converts. Several of his disciples also became martyrs, many of whom were only catechumens and were baptized while in captivity. Among those executed was the maiden Potamiena, who was burned along with her mother Markella, and the warrior Basilides who accompanied her (Euseb. Hist. eccl. VI 5). On March 7, 203, in Carthage, they appeared before the proconsul of Africa and were thrown wild animals the noble Roman Perpetua and her slave Felicitatis, together with Secundinus, Saturninus, the slave Revokat and the elderly priest Satur (mem. February 1; Passio Perpetuae et Felicitatis 1-6; 7, 9; 15-21). There are known martyrs who suffered in Rome, Corinth, Cappadocia and other parts of the empire.

Under the emperor (211-217) the persecution again engulfed the provinces of North Africa, but was of a limited nature. This time, Christians were persecuted by the ruler of Proconsular Africa, Mauritania and Numidia, Scapula, the addressee of Tertullian’s apology (“To Scapula”).

In general, the Church calmly survived the reign of the last Severas. Marcus Aurelius Antoninus Elagabalus (218-222) intended to transfer to Rome “the religious rites of the Jews and Samaritans, as well as Christian worship” in order to subordinate them to the priests of the Emesian god El, whom he revered (Scr. hist. Aug. XVII 3.5). Over the course of several years of his reign, Elagabalus earned himself the universal hatred of the Romans and was killed in the palace. At the same time, apparently, Pope Callistus and Presbyter Calepodius died from the riots of the crowd (memo. zap. Oct. 14; Depositio martyrum // PL. 13. Col. 466).

Emperor Alexander Severus (222-235) the last representative of the dynasty, not only “tolerated Christians” (Ibid. XVII 22.4) and wanted to “build a temple for Christ and accept Him among the gods” (Ibid. 43.6), but even set as an example the Christian practice of electing priests as a model in the appointment of provincial rulers and other officials (Ibid. 45. 6-7). Nevertheless, the Christian hagiographic tradition dates back to the reign of Alexander Severus several testimonies of persecution, including the passion of the martyr Tatiana (memorable January 12), the martyr Martina (memorial January 1), who apparently suffered in Rome. Around 230, probably, the martyr Theodotia suffered in Nicaea of ​​Bithynia (mem. September 17).

Emperor Maximinus the Thracian (235-238) who was proclaimed emperor by the soldiers after the assassination of Alexander Severus, “due to hatred of the house of Alexander, which consisted for the most part of the believers" raised a new short persecution (Euseb. Hist. eccl. VI 28). This time the persecution was directed against clerics, whom the emperor accused of “teaching Christianity.” In Caesarea Palestine, Ambrose and the priest Protoctitus, friends of Origen, to whom he dedicated the treatise “On Martyrdom,” were arrested and died as martyrs. In 235 in Rome, Pope Pontian (comm. Aug. 5; commemoration z. Aug. 13) and antipope Hieromartyr Hippolytus of Rome, exiled to the mines of the island of Sardinia, became victims of persecution (Catalogos Liberianus // MGH. AA. IX; Damasus. Epigr 35. Ferrua). In 236, Pope Anter was executed (commemoration: August 5; memorial: January 3). In Cappadocia and Pontus, persecution affected all Christians, but here they were more likely not so much a consequence of the application of the Edict of Maximinus, but rather a manifestation of anti-Christian fanaticism, awakened among the pagans due to the devastating earthquake that occurred around 235-236 in this region (Letter of Firmilian of Caesarea - ap . Cypr. Carth. Ep. 75. 10).

Under the emperors Gordian III (238-244) and Philip the Arab (244-249), who was even considered a Christian (Euseb. Hist. eccl. VI 34), the Church experienced a period of prosperity and tranquility.

Decius (249-251) was proclaimed emperor by troops in Moesia and overthrew Philip the Arab. One of the most brutal persecutions in Roman history is associated with his name. The persecution became general and spread throughout the empire. The motives that prompted Decius to begin the persecution of Christians are not entirely clear. The 12th-century Byzantine chronicler John Zonara, relying on lost sources, claims that the censor Valerian incited him to persecution (Zonara. Annales. XII 20). However, when the latter took the throne in 253, he began to pursue anti-Christian policies no earlier than 257. Eusebius of Caesarea believed that Decius raised a new persecution against the Church out of hatred of his predecessor, known for his pro-Christian sympathies (Euseb. Hist. eccl. VI 39. 1). According to Hieromartyr Cyprian of Carthage, Decius was ready to accept bad news about the uprising of a usurper somewhere on the outskirts of the empire rather than hear about the installation of a new bishop in Rome (Cypr. Carth. Ep. 55.9).

However, the reasons for the persecution under Decius lie much deeper and cannot be reduced only to the personal antipathies of the emperor. Firstly, hostility towards Christians in the empire's population. Even a year before the start of the persecution (in the middle of 248), at the instigation of a pagan priest, the inhabitants of Alexandria committed an anti-Christian pogrom: the crowd robbed and destroyed the property of Christians, forced them to make sacrifices, and killed those who refused (Euseb. Hist. eccl. VI 7). Secondly, Decius wanted to restore the old Roman order in the empire, which was in deep crisis, to return traditional virtues and morals, which were based on ancient Roman cults. All this led to inevitable clashes with Christians who questioned traditional Roman religious values. Thus, the anti-Christian measures of Decius can be considered as a combination of the emperor’s personal preferences with objective factors related to his internal policy and aimed at strengthening the Roman state.

The legislation of Decius concerning Christians has not survived, but its content, as well as the nature of its application, can be judged from some contemporary documents: first of all, from the letters of the Hieromartyr Cyprian of Carthage (Ep. 8, 25, 34, 51, 57) and his treatise “On the Fallen”; according to the letters of Saint Dionysius of Alexandria preserved by Eusebius to Fabian of Antioch (Euseb. Hist. eccl. VI 41-42), Domitian and Didymus (Ibid. VII 11.20), Herman (Ibid. VI 40); with great confidence we can use some records of martyrdom, primarily of Presbyter Pionius of Smyrna (comm. March 11). Of particular interest are the surviving papyri found at the end of the 19th century in Egypt (about 40 in total). These are certificates (libelli) that were issued to persons who made a sacrifice to the pagan gods in the presence of government officials (Bolotov. Collected works. T. 3. P. 124; New Eusebius. P. 214).

Some researchers of persecution believe that Decius issued 2 edicts, the 1st was directed against the highest clergy, the 2nd ordered general sacrifice throughout the empire (for more details, see: Fedosik. Church and State. 1988. P. 94- 95). There are 2 stages of persecution associated with this. On the 1st, from the moment Decius entered Rome at the end of 249, many prominent bishops were arrested and then executed. At the 2nd stage, from February 250, a general sacrifice was announced, which, according to the organizers, meant, on the one hand, an act of loyalty oath, which was supposed to unite the inhabitants of the empire, on the other, a form of collective prayer for the gods to grant prosperity the emperor and the entire state. It should be noted that Decius' legislation was not directed against Christians alone or persons suspected of belonging to an illicit religion. Every inhabitant of the empire was obliged to confirm his adherence to the pagan religion through a ritual, the essence of which was the consumption of sacrificial meat, the libation of wine and the burning of incense in front of the image of the emperor and the pagan gods. Having committed these actions, anyone suspected of belonging to Christianity could prove that there were no grounds for such an accusation; By participating in sacrifices and thereby renouncing the principles of his faith, the former Christian immediately had to be released on the basis of Trajan's legislation. In case of refusal to perform sacrifices, the death penalty was imposed.

The government made efforts to at least formally return Christians, whom it considered otherwise “good citizens,” to traditional cults, while trying not to bring the matter to execution and making extensive use of various means coercion: torture, long-term imprisonment. The consequence of the edict was numerous renunciations of those Christians who, having become accustomed to long period religious tolerance, were now not ready to give up a quiet life and endure hardships, which, moreover, could have been easily avoided. In the opinion of many, formal consent to the demands of the authorities did not yet mean a departure from the faith. According to the testimony of the holy martyr Cyprian, several categories of apostates appeared: those who actually made sacrifices to the pagan gods (sacrificati); those who only burned incense before the images of the emperor and the gods (thurificati); those who did neither one nor the other, but different ways, including through bribery, sought to have their names included in the lists of those who performed sacrifices and received certificates (libellatici); finally, persons whose guilt consisted only in the fact that they sought to have their names included in the lists without receiving libellas (acta facientes).

Along with many apostates, there were also confessors and martyrs for the faith, who paid the price of their lives for their devotion to Christ. One of the first to suffer was Pope Fabian, who was executed on January 20 or 21, 250 (commemoration, August 5; memorial, January 20; Cypr. Carth. Ep. 3). Several clergy of the Roman Church and a large number of laity were arrested (Euseb. Hist. eccl. VI 43.20). The African Celerinus, after several weeks of imprisonment, was unexpectedly released by the emperor (Cypr. Carth. Ep. 24); others remained in chains until the summer and were eventually killed, such as the presbyter Moses (Cypr. Carth. Ep. 55; Euseb. Hist. eccl. VI 43. 20).

From Rome the persecution moved to the provinces. On the island of Sicily, Bishop Nikon of Tauromenia and 199 of his disciples were martyred (commemorated on March 23); In Catania, the martyr Agathia, a Christian from Palermo, suffered (commemorated February 5). In Spain, Bishops Basilides and Martial became "Libellatics". In Africa, according to the confession of the holy martyr Cyprian, who fled from persecution, a large number of the faithful fell, but here too there were examples of the firmness of those thrown into prison and subjected to torture (Cypr. Carth. Ep. 8). There were many apostates and "libellarians" in Egypt. Some Christians who occupied a prominent position in society performed sacrifices voluntarily, sometimes they were forced to do so by loved ones. Many renounced, unable to withstand the torture, but there were also examples of Christian courage described by St. Dionysius of Alexandria (Euseb. Hist. eccl. VI 40-41). Dionysius, already arrested, was accidentally released by the pagan peasants of Mareotis (Ibidem). Bishop Eudemon died in Asia in Smyrna. Presbyter Pionius also suffered here (memorial dated February 1); according to the acts of martyrdom, the abdication of his bishop was set as an example to him, but he, despite prolonged torture, resisted and was burned. Several bishops of significant sees in the East were executed or died in prison. Among them were the holy martyrs Babylon of Antioch (comm. 4 Sep., commemoration dec. 24 Jan.) and Alexander of Jerusalem (commemoration 12 Dec., commemoration 18 March; Euseb. Hist. eccl. VI 39). Origen was arrested in Caesarea Palestine; he endured torture and long imprisonment, which stopped only after the death of Decius (Ibid. VI 39.5).

According to information from church synaxars, since the persecution of Emperor Decius, the number of revered martyrs has increased sharply. The squads of martyrs are known: Bishop Carp of Thyatira (or Pergamon) with Agathodorus, Deacon Papila and the martyr Agathonika (mem. Oct. 13); presbyter Faustus, deacon Abibus, Cyriacus of Alexandria and with them 11 martyrs (memorial 6 September), Papias, Claudian and Diodorus of Attalia (memorial 3 February); Terenty and Neonilla Africanus with their numerous children (commemorated Oct. 28); Thirsus, Leucius, Callinicus and Coronatus of Nicomedia (commemorated August 17, December 14); Cretan martyrs (comm. December 23); Martyr Paramon of Bithynia with 370 martyrs (memorial November 29). The persecution of Emperor Decius is also associated with the legend of the 7 sleeping youths of Ephesus.

By the beginning of 251, the persecution had virtually come to an end. Taking advantage of some freedom, the Church was able to turn to solving internal problems that arose during the persecution. An immediate consequence of the persecution under Emperor Decius was the issue of church discipline related to the acceptance of the fallen, which caused divisions among Christians in the West. In Rome, after a 15-month break that followed the execution of Fabian, a new bishop, Cornelius, was elected, not without difficulties; he treated apostates leniently, which became the cause of the Novatian schism (named after antipope Novatian). In Carthage, the Hieromartyr Cyprian convened the first large Council after the persecution, which was to deal with the painful issue of the fallen.

In the summer of 251, Emperor Decius was killed in a war with the Goths in Moesia. Trebonian Gall (251-253), who took the Roman throne, resumed persecution. But unlike his predecessor, who considered Christians dangerous for the state, this emperor was forced to yield to the sentiments of the crowd, which saw Christians as the culprits of the plague epidemic that swept the entire empire at the end of 251. Pope Saint Cornelius was arrested in Rome, but the matter was limited to his exile in the outskirts of Rome, where he died in 253. His successor Lucius was immediately removed from the city by the authorities after his election and was able to return only the following year (Cypr. Carth. Ep. 59.6; Euseb. Hist. eccl. VII 10).

Under Emperor Valerian (253-260) After some time, the persecution resumed with renewed vigor. The first years of his reign were calm for the Church. As it seemed to many, the emperor even favored the Christians who were also at court. But in 257 a dramatic change occurred in religious policy. Saint. Dionysius of Alexandria sees the reason for Valerian’s change of heart in the influence of his close associate Macrinus, an ardent supporter of Eastern cults who was hostile to the Church.

In August 257, the 1st Edict of Valerian against Christians appeared. Hoping that moderate anti-Christian actions would have a greater effect than harsh measures, the authorities dealt the main blow to the highest clergy, believing that after the apostasy of the primates of the Churches, their flock would follow them. This edict ordered clergy to make sacrifices to the Roman gods, and refusal was punishable by exile. In addition, under threat of the death penalty, it was forbidden to perform religious services and visit burial sites. From the letters of Saints Dionysius of Alexandria to Hermammon and Herman (Euseb. Hist. eccl. VII 10-11) and Cyprian of Carthage (Ep. 76-80) we know how the edict was executed in Alexandria and Carthage. Both saints were summoned by local rulers and, after refusing to comply with the edict, were sent into exile. In Africa, the legate of Numidia condemned many bishops of this province, along with priests, deacons and some laymen, to hard labor in the mines - probably for violating the ban on holding Christian meetings. By the time of the 1st Edict of Valerian, tradition dates back to the martyrdom of Pope Stephen I, executed in 257 (memorial August 2; life see: Zadvorny V. History of the Roman Popes. M., 1997. T. 1. P. 105 -133).

The authorities soon became convinced that the measures taken were ineffective. The 2nd Edict, published in August 258, was more severe. For refusal to obey, clergy were to be executed, noble laymen of the senatorial and equestrian class were to be deprived of their dignity and subject to confiscation of property, in case of persistence, they were to be executed, their wives were to be deprived of property and exiled, persons in the imperial service (caesariani) were to be deprived of property and condemned for forced labor on palace estates (Cypr. Carth. Ep. 80).

The application of the 2nd Edict was extremely harsh. On August 10, 258, Pope Sixtus II and the deacons Lawrence, Felicissimus and Agapitus were martyred in Rome (comm. August 10). Squads of the Roman martyrs of this time: deacons Hippolytus, Irenaeus, Avundius and the martyr Concordia (memorial August 13); Eugenia, Protus, Iakinthos and Claudia (commemorated December 24). On September 14, the Hieromartyr Cyprian of Carthage was delivered from his place of exile to the proconsul of Africa, Galerius Maximus. A short dialogue took place between them: “Are you Tascius Cyprian?” - “I.” - “The Holy Emperors ordered you to make a sacrifice” (caeremoniari). - “I will not do it.” - “Think” (Consule tibi). - “Do what is prescribed to you. In a matter so just there is nothing to think about” (In re tam justa nulla est consultatio). After this, the proconsul formulated an accusation and the sentence followed: “Tastius Cyprian is to be executed with the sword.” - “Thanks be to God!” - answered the bishop (memorial, August 31; memorial, September 14; Acta Proconsularia S. Cypriani 3-4 // CSEL. T. 3/3. P. CX-CXIV; cf.: Bolotov. Collected works T. 3. P. 132). Other African bishops, exiled a year ago, were now summoned and executed, among them: Theogenes of Hippo († 26 Jan. 259; mem. zan. 3 Jan.?) and bishops Agapius and Secundin († 30 Apr. 259; mem. zan. ?) April 30). Deacon James and Reader Marian, arrested near the city of Cirta in Numidia, were executed on May 6, 259 in the city of Lambesis, the residence of the legate of Numidia, along with many laymen (memo. zap. April 30). There were so many victims that the executions continued for several days (Zeiller. Vol. 2. P. 155). A group of martyrs led by Bishop Codratus suffered in Utica (Aug. Serm. 306). On January 29, 259, in Spain, Bishop Fructuosus of Tarracona was burned alive along with deacons Augur and Eulogius (memo. January 21; Zeiller. 1937. Vol. 2. P. 156). Bishops Marcian of Syracuse (mem. Oct. 30) and Libertin of Agrigento (mem. Nov. 3) suffered. The persecution also affected the east of the empire, where Valerian went to war with the Persians. The martyrdom of Christians in Palestine, Lycia and Cappadocia dating back to this time is known (see, for example: Euseb. Hist. eccl. VII 12).

Period of peace (260-302) In June 260, Emperor Valerian was captured by the Persians. Power passed to his son and co-ruler Gallienus (253-268), who abandoned his father’s anti-Christian policies. The text of his rescript on the return to Christians of places for unhindered worship, addressed to Bishop Dionysius of Alexandria and other bishops, was preserved in the Greek translation by Eusebius (Hist. eccl. VII 13). Some Church historians believe that with such legislative acts Emperor Gallienus for the first time openly proclaimed tolerance towards the Church (Bolotov. Collected Works. Vol. 3, p. 137 ff.; Zeiller. Vol. 2, p. 157). However, this did not mean that Christianity acquired the status of a permitted religion. As subsequent events of the almost 40-year period of peaceful existence of the Church, which begins from this time, show, isolated cases of hostility towards Christians, ending in their death, continued to occur in the future. Already under Gallienus, in Caesarea Palestine, Marinus, a noble and wealthy man who had distinguished himself in military service, was beheaded for professing Christianity (mem. March 17, Aug. 7; Euseb. Hist. eccl. VII 15). Similar cases occurred during the reign of other emperors of the 2nd half of the 3rd century.

The danger of new persecution loomed over the Church under the emperor Aurelian (270-275). This emperor was an adherent of eastern “solar monotheism”. Despite his personal participation (in 272) in the expulsion of the heresiarch Paul I of Samosata from the See of Antioch, who was deposed at several Councils, Aurelian, shortly before his death, as Eusebius and Lactantius report, conceived a new persecution, preparing a corresponding decree (Euseb. Hist. eccl. VII 30. 2; Lact. De mort. persecution. 6. 2; for the text of Aurelian’s injunction on the persecution of Christians, see: Coleman-Norton. 1966. Vol. 1. P. 16-17). Although the persecution under Aurelian was limited, the number of martyrs of this period venerated by the Church is quite large. Tradition dates back to the time of Emperor Aurelian the squad of Byzantine martyrs Lucillian, Claudius, Hypatius, Paul, Dionysius and Paul the Virgin (commemorated June 3); martyrs Paul and Juliana of Ptolemais (March 4); martyrs Razumnik (Sinesius) of Rome (comm. Dec. 12), Philumenus of Ancyra (Nov. 29), etc.

Peace for the Church was preserved under Aurelian's immediate successors, the emperors Tacitus (275-276), Probus (276-282) and Cara (282-283), and then during the first 18 years of the reign of Emperor Diocletian (284-305). and his co-rulers - Augustus Maximian and the Caesars Galerius and Constantius I Chlorus. As Eusebius of Caesarea, an eyewitness to the events, reports, “the emperors were very disposed towards our faith” (Euseb. Hist. eccl. VIII 1. 2). Lactantius, a stern denouncer of persecuting emperors, called the reign of Diocletian until 303 the happiest times for Christians (De mort. persec. 10).

During this period, Christians occupied important government positions, while receiving exemption from making sacrifices to pagan gods, which were part of the duties of officials. Among the martyrs who subsequently suffered in the “Great Persecution” of Diocletian were the judge and administrator of the royal treasury in Alexandria Philor (Euseb. Hist. eccl. VIII 9. 7; memorial zap. 4 Feb.), the emperor’s confidants Gorgonius and Dorotheus (Ibid. VII 1. 4; memorial September 3, December 28), a noble dignitary Davikt (Adavkt), who occupied one of the highest government positions (Ibid. VIII 11. 2; memorial October 4). Christianity also penetrated into the emperor’s family: it was professed by Diocletian’s wife Prisca and their daughter Valeria (Lact. De mort. persecuted. 15). There were many Christians among educated people this time: it is enough to mention Arnobius and his student Lactantius. The latter was the court teacher of Latin in Nicomedia. Christians made up a significant part of the army. During the same period, there were mass conversions of pagans to Christianity. Eusebius exclaimed: “How to describe these meetings of thousands in every city, these amazing crowds of people flocking to houses of prayer! There were few old buildings; but new, extensive churches were erected in all cities” (Euseb. Hist. eccl. VIII 1. 5).

"Great Persecution" of Emperor Diocletian and his heirs (303-313) The period of peace between Church and State had to end sooner or later. Changes began in the late 90s of the 3rd century; they are usually associated with the successful Persian campaign of Caesar Galerius in 298 (Zeiller. 1037. Vol. 2. P. 457). Soon after its completion, Galerius began to systematically cleanse the army of Christians. A certain Veturius was appointed executor, who offered a choice: either obey and remain in his rank, or lose it by opposing the order (Euseb. Hist. eccl. VIII 4. 3). These measures applied to both officers and soldiers. Some Christian soldiers who stood firmly for the faith paid with their lives, for example, the Samosata martyrs Romanus, Jacob, Philotheus, Iperichius, Aviv, Julian and Parigorios (Commemorated January 29), the martyr Aza and 150 soldiers (Commemorated November 19) and etc.

According to Lactantius, the main culprit and executor of the “Great Persecution” was Galerius, which is quite consistent with the facts. “The historical truth, as we can gather it from various evidences, is evidently this, that Diocletian became a persecutor, contrary to all his former policy, and again began a religious war in the empire under the direct and predominant influence of Galerius” (Zeiller. 1937. Vol. 2. P 461). Lactantius lived for a long time at the court in Nicomedia and therefore was an important, albeit impartial, witness to what was happening and believed that the cause of the persecution should not be seen only in the personality of Caesar Galerius or in the influence of his superstitious mother (Lact. De mort. persecution. 11). The responsibility for the persecution of Christians cannot be removed from the Emperor Diocletian.

According to some researchers, the policy of Emperor Diocletian was initially anti-Christian: the fundamental contradiction between the Church and the state was obvious to the emperor, and only the need to solve the current problems of government prevented him from carrying out persecution (Stade. 1926; see: Zeiller. Vol. 2. P. 459 ). Thus, in the first years of his reign, Diocletian was busy with numerous reforms: he reorganized the army, administrative management, financial and tax reforms; he had to fight external enemies, suppress uprisings and revolts of usurpers. The legislation of Emperor Diocletian (for example, the prohibition of marriages between close relatives, issued in 295, or the Manichaean law of 296) indicates that the emperor's goal was to restore the old Roman orders. Diocletian added a title to his name in honor of Jupiter (Jovius), and Maximian - in honor of Hercules (Herculius), which was supposed to demonstrate the rulers' commitment to ancient religious traditions. The behavior of some Christians could not but alarm the Roman authorities. In the army, Christians refused to obey the orders of their commanders, citing the prohibitions of their religion. At the end of the 90s of the 3rd century, the recruit Maximian and the centurion Marcellus were executed for their categorical refusal of military service.

The “spirit of war” with Christians also hovered among educated pagans, so Caesar Galerius was not the only supporter of persecution in Diocletian’s entourage. The disciple of the philosopher Porphyry, Hierocles, governor of the province of Bithynia, on the eve of the beginning of the persecution, published a pamphlet entitled Λόϒοι φιλαλήθεις πρὸς τοὺς χριστιανούς (Truth-loving words to Christians). Lactantius mentions, without naming the name, another philosopher who published an anti-Christian work at the same time (Lact. Div. inst. V 2). This mood of the pagan intellectuals contributed to the beginning of the persecution, and the authorities could not ignore this.

In Antioch in 302 (Lact. De mort. persecution. 10), during the sacrifice of the Emperor Diocletian, when he was awaiting the results of fortune-telling from the entrails of slain animals, the head of the haruspices Tagis declared that the presence of Christians was interfering with the ceremony. The angry Diocletian ordered not only everyone present at the ceremony, but also the servants in the palace to make sacrifices to the gods, and punish those who refused with whips. Then orders were sent to the troops to force the soldiers to do the same, and those who refused to be expelled from service. Returning to the main residence in Nicomedia, Diocletian hesitated whether to take active measures against Christians. Caesar Galerius, together with senior dignitaries, including Hierocles, insisted on the beginning of persecution. Diocletian decided to send a haruspex to the Milesian sanctuary of Apollo to find out the will of the gods. The oracle confirmed the desire of the emperor's entourage (Lact. De mort. persecuted. 11). But this did not convince Diocletian to shed the blood of Christians. An edict was prepared concerning buildings and sacred books, as well as various categories of believers. The use of the death penalty was not intended. On the eve of the publication of the edict in Nicomedia, an armed detachment occupied a Christian temple located not far from the palace, destroyed it and set fire to liturgical books.

On February 24, 303, the edict of persecution was promulgated: it was ordered to destroy Christian churches and destroy holy books everywhere, deprive Christians of titles and honors, the right to make accusations in courts, Christian slaves could no longer receive freedom (Euseb. Hist. eccl. VIII 2 . 4). One indignant Christian tore the edict from the wall, for which he was tortured and executed (Lact. De mort. persecuted. 13; Euseb. Hist. eccl. VIII 5. 1).

Soon, 2 fires occurred in the imperial palace in Nicomedia. Galerius convinced Diocletian that the arsonists should be sought among Christians. The Emperor now viewed all Christians as enemies. He forced his wife and daughter to perform the sacrifice, but the Christian courtiers were more stubborn. Dorotheus, Peter and many others refused to carry out the emperor's orders and, after cruel torture, were executed. The first victims of the persecution were the Primate of the Nicomedia Church, Hieromartyr Anthimus (mem. Sept. 3), numerous clergy and laity of this city, among whom were women and children (Lact. De mort. persecution. 15; Euseb. Hist. eccl. VIII 6; memorial January 20, February 7, September 2, 3, December 21, 28; see Nicomedia Martyrs, Martyr Juliana).

With the exception of Gaul and Britain, where Caesar Constantius I Chlorus, who ruled these regions, limited himself to the destruction of several temples, the edict was carried out everywhere with great severity. In Italy, Spain and Africa, subject to the Emperor Maximian Herculius, as well as in the East, in the domains of Diocletian and Galerius, church books were burned, temples were razed to the ground. There were cases when the clergy themselves handed over church values ​​and holy books to local authorities. Others, like Bishop Mensurius of Carthage, replaced liturgical books with heretical ones and gave the latter to the authorities. There were also martyrs who refused to give up anything, like Felix of Tubiz in North Africa (memory, October 24; Bolotov. Collected works. T. 3. P. 158; Zeiller. Vol. 2. P. 464).

Among the most famous and revered martyrs during the persecution of Emperor Diocletian are Markellinus, Pope of Rome, with his retinue (commemorated on June 7), Markell, Pope of Rome, with his retinue (memorial on June 7), Great Martyr Anastasia the Pattern Maker (commemorated on December 22), Great Martyr George the Victorious (commemorated April 23; commemorated Georgian November 10), martyrs Andrei Stratelates (commemorated August 19), John the Warrior (commemorated July 30), Cosmas and Damian the Unmercenary (commemorated July 1, 17 Oct., Nov. 1), Cyric and Julitta of Tarsus (commemorated July 15), Cyrus and John of Egypt with their retinue (commemorated Jan. 31), Archdeacon Eupl of Catania (Sicily; commemorated Aug. 11), Great Martyr Panteleimon of Nicomedia ( memorial July 27), Theodotus Korchemnik (commemorated November 7), Mokiy Byzantine (commemorated May 11), who was famous in K-pol; Sebastian of Rome (comm. Dec. 18), whose cult acquired great importance in Western Europe in the Middle Ages.

Many victims of the persecution of Emperor Diocletian are venerated by the Church in squads. Such, for example, are Bishop Iannuarius of Laodicea with deacons Proculus, Sissius and Faustus and others (commemorated April 21), presbyters Trophimus and Thales of Laodicea (commemorated March 16), the Militean martyrs (commemorated November 7), martyr Theodotus and 7 virgins of Ankyra (comm. May 18, Nov. 6), martyr Theodulia, martyrs Elladius, Macarius and Evagrius of Anazar (memorial Feb. 5); Mauritius of Apamea and 70 soldiers (commemorated February 22), Isaac, Apollos and Codratus of Spain (commemorated April 21), martyrs Valeria, Kyriacia and Maria of Caesarea (commemorated June 7), Virgin Lucia of Rome with her retinue (commemorated 6 July), martyrs Victor, Sosthenes and great martyr Euphemia of Chalcedon (memorial 16 September), martyrs Capitolina and Erotiida of Caesarea-Cappadocia (memorial 27 October) and many others.

In the spring of 303, revolts broke out in Armenia and Syria. Diocletian blamed Christians for this, and soon new edicts followed one after another: one ordered the imprisonment of the heads of communities, the other ordered the release of those who agreed to make a sacrifice, subjecting those who refused to torture. At the end of 303, Diocletian, on the occasion of the 20th anniversary of his accession to the throne, declared an amnesty; many Christians were released from prison, and the intensity of persecution subsided. However, soon Emperor Diocletian fell seriously ill and power actually ended up in the hands of Galerius.

In the spring of 304, the 4th Edict was issued, repeating the desperate measures of Emperor Decius. All Christians were required to make sacrifices under pain of death. Many believers suffered from the application of this edict throughout the empire, with the exception of Gaul and Britain.

On May 1, 305, Diocletian resigned, forcing Maximian Herculius to do the same. From that moment on, the persecution virtually ceased in the West, in the possessions of Constantius Chlorus, who became Augustus, and his heir, Constantine the Great. The persecution of Christians was not resumed by other rulers of the West - Flavius ​​Severus, Maximian Herculius and Maxentius.

Emperor Galerius (293-311) after the abdication of Diocletian, he headed the tetrarchy and took control of the East of the empire. In the domains of Emperor Galerius (Illyricum and Asia Minor) and his nephew, no less fanatical enemy of the Church, Caesar Maximin Daza (Egypt, Syria and Palestine), persecution continued. Eusebius reports that Maximin Daza promulgated new edicts in 306, which ordered that provincial governors force all Christians to perform sacrifices (Euseb. De mart. Palaest. 4. 8). The consequence of this was numerous martyrdoms. In Alexandria, by order of the prefect of Egypt, the martyr Philorus was beheaded along with the bishop of Tmuit, the hieromartyr Philaeus. Executions took place almost daily in Palestine; Among the victims was the learned presbyter Pamphilus (comm. February 16), friend and mentor of Eusebius of Caesarea. Many Christians in Caesarea Palestine were sentenced to hard labor in the mines after being previously blinded (Ibid. 9).

Despite some decline in persecution, the number of martyrs who suffered under the Emperor Galerius and were revered by the Church is also extremely large. Of these, the well-known are the Great Martyr Demetrius of Thessalonica (Comm. Oct. 26), Adrian and Natalia of Nicomedia (Aug. 26), Cyrus and John the Unmercenary (Mem. Jan. 31), Great Martyr Catherine of Alexandria (Comm. Nov. 24), and Great Martyr Theodore Tyrone (commemorated February 17); numerous squads of saints, such as the 156 Tire martyrs led by bishops Pelias and Nile (memorial on September 17), the Nicomedia priests Hermolai, Hermippus and Hermocrates (memorial on July 26), the Egyptian martyrs Marcian, Nikander, Iperechios, Apollo, etc. (commemorated June 5), Melitene martyrs Eudoxius, Zinon and Macarius (commemorated September 6), Amasia martyrs Alexandra, Claudia, Euphrasia, Matrona and others (commemorated March 20), Bithyn martyrs Minodora, Metrodorus and Nymphodora (memorial September 10), Caesarea martyrs Antoninus, Nicephorus and Germanus (Nov. 13), Ennath, Valentinus and Paul (Feb. 10).

In 308, Maximin Daza, dissatisfied with his title of Caesar, showed independence from Augustus Galerius and deliberately announced a softening of anti-Christian measures (Ibid. 9. 1). Gradually, the persecution subsided in the possessions of the “elder” Augustus Galerius. In 311 this emperor, struck incurable disease, issued an edict which, for the first time in the history of the Roman Empire, granted the Church legal status, recognizing Christianity as a permitted religion (Euseb. Hist. eccl. VIII 17; Lact. De mort. persecution. 34).

Emperor Maximin Daza (305-313) took control of the entire East of the empire after the death of Galerius (May 5, 311) and, despite the edict of toleration, resumed persecution. At this time, it ceased to be a matter of only internal politics, since Maximin began a war with the neighboring Armenian kingdom, which 10 years earlier, under Trdat III, adopted Christianity as the official religion (Euseb. Hist. eccl. IX 8. 2, 4). In the domains of Daza, for the first time they tried to reorganize paganism, giving it a special hierarchical structure that resembled the Church (Lact. De mort. persecution. 36-37; Greg. Nazianz. Or. 4). At the direction of Maximin Daza, forged “Acts of Pilate” were distributed, containing slander against Christ (Euseb. Hist. eccl. IX 5. 1). The emperor secretly incited the pagans to take the initiative to expel Christians from the cities. New executions followed: the elderly Bishop Silvanus of Emesa was thrown to the beasts, along with Deacon Luke and Reader Mokiy (Commemorated January 29), Bishop Methodius of Patara (Commemorated June 20), Archbishop Peter of Alexandria (Commemorated November 25) were executed, and died. other bishops of Egypt; in Nicomedia, the learned presbyter of the Antiochian Church, Hieromartyr Lucian (Comm. Oct. 15), was also killed by Bishop Clement of Ancyra (Comm. Jan. 23), Porphyry Stratelates and 200 soldiers in Alexandria (Comm. Nov. 24), Eustathius, Thespesius and Anatoly of Nicaea (comm. Nov. 20), Julian, Kelsius, Antony, Anastasius, Basilissa, Marionilla, 7 youths and 20 warriors of Antinous (Egypt; Jan. 8), Mina, Hermogenes and Evgraf of Alexandria (mem. Dec. 10) and etc.

The persecution in the East continued actively until 313, when, at the request of Constantine the Great, Maximin Daza was forced to stop it. The text of his rescript addressed to the prefect Sabinus has been preserved, which ordered “not to offend the inhabitants” and to attract “to faith in the gods more with affection and persuasion” (text: Euseb. Hist. eccl. IX 9). Christians did not believe in the tolerance proclaimed by the emperor, watching with alarm the new policy of the former cruel persecutor, until he left the historical scene, defeated by Licinius in 313.

In the same year, in Milan, the emperors Constantine and Licinius, who shared power in the empire, proclaimed an edict granting complete freedom to Christianity. “Thus, the three-hundred-year era of persecution of Christians by pagans ended, ending with glory for the new religion and shame for paganism” (Bolotov. Collected works. T. 3. P. 167).

Despite the crushing defeat of paganism, in the 4th century there were 2 more short-term relapses of the previous anti-Christian policy.

Emperor Licinius (308-324) who ruled the East of the empire and, from 312, entered into an alliance with Emperor Constantine and supported the Edict of Milan, for unclear reasons, around 320, opened persecution against the Church in his dominions. It ceased after his defeat by Constantine the Great at Chrysopolis and his deposition in 324.

The victims of the persecution of Licinius, among others, were the Great Martyr Theodore Stratelates (319; commemorated February 8, June 8), Martyr Eustathius of Ancyra (commemorated July 28), Bishop Basil of Amasia (April 26), Phocas Vertogradar of Sinope (commemorated September 22). ); 40 Martyrs of Sebastia (commemorated March 9), as well as Sebastian martyrs Atticus, Agapius, Eudoxius and others (commemorated November 3); martyrs Elijah, Zotik, Lucian and Valerian of Tomsk (Thrace; memorial September 13).

Emperor Julian the Apostate(361-363) became the last persecutor of the Church in the Roman Empire. Having made a desperate attempt to revive paganism, he could not persecute Christians in open court. Having declared universal religious tolerance, Julian forbade Christians from teaching grammar and rhetoric. By returning bishops from exile, the emperor provoked conflicts between dogmatic opponents, Arians and Orthodox, or even supported some heretics (extreme Arians - Anomeans). During his short reign, anti-Christian pogroms took place in many cities in the East of the Empire, as a result of which several Christians became martyrs. The death of Julian in 363 put an end to the last attempt of paganism to prevail over Christianity.

Illustrations:

Early Christian Symbol of the Eucharist. Fragment of the painting of the crypt of Lucina. Catacombs of Callistus, Rome, 1st half of the 3rd century;

Three mausoleums in the catacombs of St. Sebastian. Rome. III century;

Martyrdom of Archdeacon Stephen. Miniature from the Minology of Emperor Basil II. 10th century (Vat. gr. 1613. Fol. 275);

Apostles Peter and Paul. Icon. 2nd half of the 15th century (Republican Art Museum of Karelia, Petrozavodsk);

Greek Chapel (Capella Graeca) in the catacombs of Priscilla. Rome. 2nd half of the 2nd - 1st half of the 3rd century;

Coliseum. Rome. 72-80 AD;

Apostle John the Theologian and Hieromartyr Prochorus on the island of Patmos. Mark of a 4-part icon. 1st half of the 15th century (Russian Russian Museum);

Epitaph with early Christian symbols (fish, anchor). Catacombs of Domitilla, Rome. End of the 3rd - mid 4th century;

Martyr Plato and the unknown martyr. Icon. Sinai. VI century (Museum of Western and Oriental Art, Kyiv);

Death beds in the catacombs of Callista, Rome. 1st half of the 3rd century;

Decius. Marble bust. 2nd half of the 3rd century (Capitolian Museum, Rome);

Funeral room in the catacombs of Pamphilus, Rome, 3rd century;

Tetrachy. Bas-relief. K-pol. 300-315 (Cathedral of San Marco, Venice);

Great Martyr George. Icon. 1st half of the 16th century (YAHM);

Prophet Daniel in the lion's den. Painting in the catacombs of Peter and Marcellinus, Rome. 2nd half of the 3rd - 1st half of the 4th century;

Martyrs Andrew Stratilates, Florus and Laurus. Icon, 1st half of the 16th century (GMZRK);

Great Martyrs Theodore Stratilates and Theodore Tiron. Icon. Around 1603 (National Historical Museum, Sofia);

Great Martyr Theodore Stratelates meets Emperor Licinius. Mark of the icon “Great Martyr Theodore Stratilates with 14 scenes from his life.” XVI century (NGOMZ);

Forty Martyrs of Sebaste. The central part of the triptych “Forty Martyrs and Holy Warriors”. X-XI centuries (GE).

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Ranovich A. B. Primary sources on the history of early Christianity. M., 1933;

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In a bloody struggle that lasted for centuries, Christianity defeated Rome. History does not know an even more sublime spectacle than this struggle, which was necessary by the very nature of the clashing forces and which could only end in the victory of Christianity. The blood of the martyrs, due to the redemptive merits of Christ, was the seed of Christianity. These gon., of which there were ten, fall into three stages, according to which we will present them.

1. In the 1st century, Christians suffered two persecutions. - from the emperors Nero (54-68) and Domitian (81-96). The first persecution was under Nero after a great fire in Rome (July 18-27, 64), the culprit of which, according to the people’s suspicion, was himself, but he blamed all the blame on Christians, who, as “haters of the human race,” had already became an object of hatred on the part of the pagans. The persecution was cruel, expressed in all kinds of torments to which innocent Christians were betrayed, but, at the same time, short-lived and hardly spread beyond the borders of Rome. It is remarkable that the pagan world, not yet understanding the meaning of Christianity, however, began to distinguish Christians from Jews and directed its enmity much more towards the former than towards the latter, and even then they began to be accused of hatred of the human race (odium humani generis) and treated them with hostility. All sorts of crimes were attributed to them, as a sect, the Founder of which, in the eyes of the Roman, died the death of a criminal, and about whose meetings there were already rumors that they were indulging in unnatural vices of debauchery, arranging so-called fiesta dinners. Among the martyrs of Nero, without a doubt, were the apostles Peter and Paul. - Second rut. was under Domitian, which was actually directed against the Jews, the motivation for which was the greed of the despot; at the same time, of course, those who lived externally according to Jewish laws or had their origins in Judaism also had to endure. Hence, Christians, allegedly for non-payment of taxes, were to be punished in the form of deprivation of property and exile. Another charge against them was “atheism,” that is, denial of the state religion. This accusation was directed against the Jews and those who “fell into the customs of the Jews,” that is, Christians. Among the numerous Christian martyrs of this time, according to the chronicle of Eusebius, Flavia Domitilla, wife of the consular Flavius ​​Clement, who was burned for her faith in 95, stands out for her position. Whether consular Flavius ​​Clement, Domitian's brother-in-law, who was executed at the same time on the most insignificant suspicion, shared his wife's faith and suffered for her, it is impossible to decide on the basis of existing sources. According to Egesippus, Domitian, out of political suspicion, demanded two relatives of Jesus Christ, the grandchildren of Judas, the brother of Jesus, but after he saw their calloused hands from working on a small plot of land and heard from them that the kingdom of Christ is not of this world and will come only at the end of the world did he release them as harmless simpletons. Tradition dates the exile of St. Apostle to this same time. John to the island of Patmos, although news of it first appears only in St. Irenea.

2. The turning point in the relations of the Roman state towards Christians came during the reign of Emperor Trajan (98-117). In view of the ever-increasing strength of imperial power, as an expression of Roman statehood, and also in view of the ever-increasing spread of Christianity, it was necessary to establish one form or another in the relations of the Roman state to Christians, who more and more found followers among the pagans. The external reason for such regulation was provided by the following circumstance. Pliny the Younger, who had been governor of Bithynia since 111, was put into difficulty by the fact that he began to receive numerous complaints against Christians. He did not know what to do with these Christians: whether it was necessary to make a distinction between them, depending on the age, gender and condition of the accused, whether one name without a crime was enough, or to punish only those whose name was combined with a crime. Wanting, therefore, to receive more definite instructions from the emperor, he turned to him with his famous letter, in which, while asking these questions, he at the same time reported on how he himself had acted hitherto. “I asked,” he writes, “if they were Christians. If they confessed to this, then I, under threat of death, asked a second and third time; if they persisted, I ordered their execution. For I have no doubt that stubbornness and inflexible obstinacy must be punished, whatever their profession may be.” “Those who claimed that they were not Christians and were not such, I found it necessary to release if, following my example, they called on the gods and, making sacrifices of incense and wine, idolized your image, which for this purpose I placed along with the images of the gods , and, in addition, they cursed Christ, which, as they say, true Christians would never do.” To this, Trajan, having generally approved his course of action, gave Pliny the following decision: “Christians do not need to be deliberately sought out (conquirendi non sunt): but if they are pointed out and brought in, then they must be punished, and, however, whoever says that he is not a Christian and This is proven by the very deed, that is, by the worship of our gods, as a result of such repentance he should be released without punishment, even if he remained in suspicion regarding the past. Anonymous denunciations should not be taken into account." This response of the emperor, while not yet a law, actually determined the course of action towards Christians until the beginning of the 3rd century. The position in which he placed Christians was quite dangerous, although the emperor wanted a gentle attitude towards them, hoping with this gentleness to suppress the evil that was emerging, in his opinion. Laws on prohibited communities and prohibited religions could simply be enforced against Christians; but Trajan, apparently, wanted to do without this when he wrote to Pliny that in this matter one cannot be guided normal rules. Nevertheless, the position of Christians in the empire, as a result of this imperial decree, became such that every Christian already in his very name carried within himself a crime, although it was considered complete and worthy of death only if it was revealed in evading sacrifice to the state gods , sacrilege and other illegal acts, if they are proven in court. Christian apologists complained bitterly about the unfair treatment of Christians, and Tertullian poured out all the force of his wit on this decree and legal proceedings, but the decree itself showed that on the part of the state they wanted to stick to the most humane ground possible and even tried to exclude Christians from committing a crime worthy of death; However, the Roman state would have renounced its own essence if it had left Christians unpunished for their persistent renunciation of sacrifice. After all, both in the worship of state gods, and especially in the idolization of the emperor, submission to the majesty of the Roman state was manifested, so the persistent rejection of this religious act was to be understood in the sense of positive political opposition. In this regard, however, some mitigating circumstances were taken into account, and attention was paid to their ancient national origin. In relation to Christians there could not be this mitigation, since, unlike the Jews, they represented in the eyes of the Roman government a new sect that made claims to the significance of a world religion. But the purpose of the law turned out to be insufficient for the Roman state power, since it did not take into account either the essence of Christianity, which was not yet understood, or the courageous readiness of its confessors to sacrifice even their lives for their faith, which so often happened in practice. The persecution that Christians endured due to Trajan's order was in various places and at different times are very different. Within the framework of this law, the governors were left with a large space within which they could act at their own discretion with more or less severity or moderation. Historical information about martyrs from the time of Trajan is very scarce. According to Hegesippus, during this third persecution Bishop Simeon of Jerusalem, son of Cleopas and successor of James, who was (c. 109) in old age, suffered martyrdom. The martyrdom of the Antiochian bishop Ignatius (115) also dates back to this time. The Emperor followed the same policy. Hadrian (117-138). From his time, a remarkable rescript to the proconsul of Asia Minor, Minucius Fundanus, has reached us (and its authenticity cannot be doubted). According to the report of the governor Serenius Granian, in the province of Asia, pagans at public festivals noisily and furiously demanded mass executions for Christians. As a result, the emperor, in a special letter to the named successor of Serenius Granian, Minucius Fundan, ordered the suspension of ordinary legal proceedings and subject the Christians to an extraordinary trial, at the same time protecting Christians from outbreaks of popular rage. Little reliable information has been preserved about the victims of persecution at this time. This probably includes the martyrdom of the Roman bishop Telesphorus (c. 135). Emperor Antoninus Pius (138-161) persistently followed the example of both his predecessors, joining Hadrian in defending Christians against outbreaks of popular hatred. The Christian-friendly document ad communae Asiae does not come from him. Here and there trials gave rise to bloody confession. The fourth persecution occurred under the fourth in a row of great Roman emperors, Marcus Aurelius (161-180). He was a true Roman and (Stoic) philosopher, and all the more decisively he opposed Christianity. True, during his reign the same procedure for legal proceedings against Christians generally continued to be preserved; but popular hatred, taking advantage of the personal mood of the emperor, in certain provinces subjected Christians to persecution all the more often and more strongly, and denunciations were even encouraged by the promise of part of the property of those convicted to their accusers. The martyrdom of the apologist Justin the Philosopher (166, in Rome), Bishop Polycarp of Smyrna (according to the most probable reckoning in 166, and not in 155) dates back to this time; Eusebius describes the rut. in Lucdunum and Vienne. - Fifth rut. was under the ignoble son of Marcus Aurelius, Commodus (180-192). Although he was less hostile towards Christians, this mainly depended on his religious indifference. Probably his concubine Marcia, who, however, was hardly a Christian, inclined him towards gentleness. The persecution of Christians that took place under him was of a more local nature. Around 185, Senator Apollonius died in Rome for his profession. Septimius Severus (193-211) fully stood on the basis of the Edict of Trajan. He tried to counteract the spread of Christianity, in addition, by prohibiting the transition from Judaism to Christianity (202). At the same time, however, he tolerated Christians even in his palace: one slave, Christian Proculus, healed him of a serious illness, anointing him with oil, and a Christian mother fed his son. In certain areas of the empire, in Egypt and Africa, things came to a more significant rut. In Alexandria, among others, Leonidas, the father of Origen, the slave Potamiena and her mother Marcella suffered; in Africa - the martyrs of the Numidian city of Scillita, the Carthaginians Perepetua and Felicita. The persecution of Christians almost completely ceased under Caracalla, Eliogabala and Alexander Severus.

3. The sixth persecution was under Maximinus the Thracian (235-238), the first emperor, who, abandoning the policies of Trajan, decided to systematically persecute Christians - until the complete destruction of Christianity itself. To this end, he, aware of the strength and importance of the Christian clergy, ordered their merciless execution. Only the weakness of his authority and his early death prevented him from carrying out this edict. His successors, the Arabs Gordian and Philip, left the Christians alone. But Decius (249-251) again took up the implementation of Maximin’s plan and gave the signal for a general attack on the Christian churches, primarily on their leaders (seventh gon.). Being weak as a ruler, but animated by the desire to restore the Roman Empire to its former glory and in the same spirit, Decius set out to completely destroy this, in his opinion, hostile community of Christians in the state. Here the Roman state principle first entered into a struggle for existence with its enemy. The very form of prosecution remains the same. This was a terrible visit that now broke out over Christians, but it served as a fire of purification and strengthening for the church. Many of them, weakened during the calm, fell away. There turned out to be whole masses of the so-called lapsi “fallen away”, who, depending on the form of their renunciation, were divided into thurificati or sacrificati (those who made a sacrifice of incense to the image of the emperor), libellatici (buyers of false certificates that they allegedly made a sacrifice) and acta facientes ( those who gave false testimony in the protocols). But no less numerous were the true believers who, despite all the suffering, stood firmly for their confession. They were called confessors if they remained alive after martyrdom; martyrs if they sealed their firmness in faith by death. Among these confessors and martyrs were many members of the clergy and several bishops of Rome. The famous Origen suffered martyrdom in Tire (254). Some of the bishops saved themselves for their churches by flight during persecution, as was the case with Cyprian of Carthage. The legend of the seven sleeping youths dates back to the time of Decius. - The storm of persecution continued throughout the entire (albeit brief) reign of Decius; at imp. Halle (251-253) and at the beginning of the reign of Valerian (253-260) it calmed down from time to time, but during the latter it broke out again with new force according to Decius’ rules (eighth gon.). Then Cyprian suffered, as well as Sixtus of Rome, along with his deacon Lawrence. Valerian's son and successor, Gallienus (260-268), having abolished the rules of his father, returned to Trajan's policy, which from that time remained in force until Diocletian, although in 275 Aurelian issued a persecutory decree, which remained, however, due to the death of the emperor without action. In the person of Diocletian (284-305), the reins of power in the Roman Empire were again in the hands of a strong nature, guided by certain state ideals. In the governmental system that he introduced to maintain state unity, he himself became the head, as a dominus, entitled by his dignity to god-like reverence, as the exponent of the highest deity. Next to him, but obliged to unconditional obedience to the supreme emperor, stood the Caesars with imperial authority, of whom the most capable one had the opportunity to eventually achieve supreme power. Since Diocletian, the son of a freed Dalmatian slave, his elevation to imp. he attributed the throne, which was predicted to him by one druid, to the special favor of the gods, then he tried to find the support of his rule in the most zealous support of pagan piety. According to his political and religious views, he soon inevitably had to come into conflict and struggle with Christianity. Meanwhile, he left Christians alone for a long time. It is unlikely that he would have started this fight on his own initiative. But his priests and representatives of those who sought to revive paganism on the basis of Neoplatonism prompted him to consistently implement their principles, under which they hoped to again seize power into their own hands; Caesar Galerius, a fanatical enemy of Christians, persistently demanded persecution and it began. This was the tenth and most severe race, and it was decided to start it with the army. In 298, an order was issued that all soldiers should perform a sacrifice. The consequence of this was a massive exodus of Christians from the army. In Tingis (Tanger), in Africa, one Christian, the warrior Marcellus, threw off his belt, spear and sword when it was his turn to make a sacrifice, and, denouncing idolatry, exclaimed: “From now on I cease to serve your emperors.” He was executed. The second edict, issued at the insistence of Galerius (303), opened a general, initially non-bloody persecution. Gatherings for worship were prohibited, books of Holy Scripture were ordered to be taken away and burned, churches were destroyed; all Christians who refused sacrifice were deprived of their positions and civil rights. Even before the appearance of the edict, its effect was manifested in the destruction of the main church in the empire. residences of Nicomedia. In addition to his intentions, Diocletian is involved in bloody persecution. One Christian, having torn off a nailed copy of the imperial. edict, tore it up and was immediately executed. Fires broke out repeatedly in the palace in Nicomedia; Christians were accused of arson and were punished in large numbers; news arrived of disturbances in the eastern provinces, and Christians were again held responsible for this, before the eyes of the emperor. Quickly, one after another, three edicts were issued, the first of which ordered the imprisonment of clergy, the second and third obligated all Christians to make sacrifices. Throughout the state (with the exception of Britain, Gaul and Spain, where Caesar Constantius Chlorus, who was favorable to Christians, ruled), now, due to these edicts, a violent persecution of Christians began. Along with this, with the exception of a few cases of weakness revealed by some Christians in issuing the books of the Holy Scriptures (traditores), and renunciation for fear of torture, among Christians that courageous heroism, which manifested itself in a confession of faith firm to death, was increasingly developed among Christians. In addition to Galerius, Diocletian’s co-ruler, Maximian, burned with particular rage and jealousy for the bloody extermination of Christianity. According to one legend, he ordered the extermination of an entire legion consisting of Christians, the so-called “Thebaid Legion,” with its leader, St. Marcius because he refused to persecute his fellow believers. After Diocletian and Maximian retired from control in 305, Galerius, as the supreme emperor, continued the rut. with redoubled force. Severus and Maximin Daza, whom he appointed Caesars, supported him in this. The suffering of Christians reached its peak at this time highest degree , and they were subjected to the most exquisite tortures. In order to force Christians to renounce against their will, they even resorted to such means as sprinkling food supplies on the windows with sacrificial wine and sacrificial water. Finally, even among the pagans themselves, disgust arose for such cruel and increasingly intensifying measures of persecution of Christians. Even before his death, Galerius, suffering from a painful illness as a consequence of his criminal life, found himself forced to cancel some measures of persecution and admit their futility. The Edict of 311 brought religious tolerance to Christians, although not full recognition of their citizenship rights. The persecuted obviously won, and the ruler himself was clearly aware of this when, dying, at the end of the edict, he asked Christians to pray for him. However, Christians could not take advantage of the toleration granted by Galerius everywhere. The next supreme emperor, Licinius, together with his co-rulers, Maximin in the east and Maximian’s son Maxentius in the west, again took the side hostile to Christians, and their enmity intensified all the more as the increasingly Christian-friendly mood of Constantine, the son of Constantius Chlorus, became more pronounced. But Maxentius was already defeated in 312 by his Western rival Constantine. An agreement was previously concluded between the latter and Licinius, which Licinius especially needed because he was at enmity with Maximin. The edict of religious tolerance for all religions in the state, issued in 313 in Mediolan, came from both allied heads of the eastern and western empires. After the defeat of Maximin, discord between Licinius and Constantine openly emerged. With the defeat of Licinius (323), the policy favoring paganism ended, and a revolution in favor of Christianity took place throughout the state. A short break in this direction occurred under Constantine's successor, in an attempt to resurrect paganism by the emperor Julian the Apostate (361-363). The storm cloud that rose against the Christians in the person of this “romantic on the throne of the Caesars” cast only a gloomy shadow for a while and threatened with lightning; but no destructive attacks followed. The exclamation with which Julian, during the Persian campaign, being mortally wounded by a spear, wanted to relieve his soul: “You have won, Galilean,” clearly outlined the hopeless position of dying paganism after this last outbreak of struggle, at the same time, indicating the strength that , despite entire centuries of persecution, with all the external weakness of the followers of the Crucified One, led to victory, precisely the strength about which it is said: “Greater is he who is in you than he who is in the world,” and the beloved Apostle John exclaimed enthusiastically: “This is victory , which has conquered the world, is our faith!

But the persecution of Christians did not end with his triumph in the Roman Empire. As it spread beyond the borders of this empire, into the depths of the pagan peoples of Asia, it was often subjected to no less, and sometimes even more severe, persecutions than it was in the Roman Empire. Such were the massacres of Christians in Persia, Turkey, Japan (see the words below), and most recently (1900) in China, where at least 30,000 Christians of various confessions died from popular rage, secretly encouraged by the government. In this last fact, the well-known opinion of Gibbon, and after him other historians, who proved the alleged historical unreliability of the news about the massacre of Christians in the Roman Empire, is rebutted. No, these persecutions and mass beatings of Christians have been and will always be until the pagan darkness on earth finally dissipates.

The literature on the issue of persecution is very extensive; we will only note the most important studies, such as: prof. A. P. Lebedeva., The era of persecution of Christians, 2nd ed. Moscow, 1897; Allyara, Gon. on Christians (French edition, and Russian translation by E. A. Lebedeva, published in “Strannik”); Ramsay, Roman Law and Christians; A. P. Mityakina, Christian Church in the Roman Empire; Allener, The Roman Empire and Christians (ed. K. P. Pobedonostsev), etc.

* Alexander Alexandrovich Bronzov,
Doctor of Theology, Professor
St. Petersburg Theological Academy.

Text source: Orthodox theological encyclopedia. Volume 4, column. 515. Petrograd edition. Supplement to the spiritual magazine "Wanderer" for 1903. Modern spelling.