What is guerrilla warfare? Guerrilla warfare.

Guerrilla warfare. Strategy and tactics. 1941-1943 Armstrong John

Guerrilla warfare

Guerrilla warfare

Preparations for the formation of partisan detachments were carried out by the Soviet High Command before the Germans approached the area, and the first attempts at operations were made by the partisans in August and September 1941, when the front temporarily passed along the western border of the area. These operations basically amounted to the transfer of people by land across the front line and by air to organize a large number of small partisan groups, which could subsequently assist the Red Army. The German offensive in October disrupted this process and at the same time inadvertently provided additional manpower that would later enable the formation of a large-scale partisan movement. A large number of surrounded Red Army soldiers were hiding in the area, but attempts by the Germans to conduct raids were unsuccessful. German units, lacking the time and enthusiasm to thoroughly comb the area, captured only those who were willing to surrender voluntarily, but many of them fled soon after becoming acquainted with German methods of treating prisoners. At the same time, many lower-level employees of party and state bodies, as well as the NKVD bodies, also went into hiding, and thus the small partisan groups that existed in the last three months found reliable leaders in them.

Over the course of two and a half months, from mid-January to the end of March 1942, there was a rapid growth of the partisan movement, in which small groups of five to thirty people were replaced by large and well-organized formations, whose total number reached 10,000 people . How was this achieved? The growth of the partisan movement was mainly due to the large number of Red Army soldiers who were surrounded after the battles of 1941. Most of them were hiding in villages, some huddled in small groups, were engaged in looting. These people were quickly mobilized by the organizers of the partisan movement who were on the spot or brought here. The people who were here were the above-mentioned employees of party and government structures and the NKVD. Many of them already had small groups of followers and with their help began to recruit able-bodied men - mainly those who found themselves surrounded by Red Army soldiers - into partisan detachments. As the number of such detachments grew, their organizers rose in rank and position; the initial group of followers became the first company of the battalion, and later the regiment. Thus, in a few months a simple organizer could turn from the commander of a small group into a regiment commander; but the rank and file probably had little prospect of attaining a position higher than that of squad leader. The organizers, who were usually brought here by air, but sometimes by land across the front line, either occupied positions in the headquarters of already formed detachments, or began to form their own detachments.

Available materials about this mass mobilization indicate that the main emphasis was on the re-conscription of Red Army soldiers who found themselves surrounded. Most of them joined the partisans without much objection, but some, apparently, found themselves in the service only under the threat of force. Conscription of residents living in the area before the war was more difficult, and, with the exception of a few ardent supporters of the Soviet regime, people could only be induced to join the partisans by threats. Since the regular army units, cut off by the Germans, suffered heavy losses, some of the conscripts at the beginning of 1942 were sent to replace the dead in such units, and not directly to the partisan detachments.

What were partisan detachments? Perhaps up to 75 percent of their members were former Red Army soldiers who either managed to elude the German purges of 1941 or escaped from prisoner-of-war camps. The units were organized along the lines of military units—formal divisions into squads, platoons, companies, battalions, and regiments were often forced upon loosely knit guerrilla units. Significant differences were observed in the number of battalions included in the regiment, the number of which could range from three to seven. This, apparently, is the only confirmation that the prevailing situation and the qualities of individual commanders played a large role in determining the size of partisan detachments in the first year of the war. In one case, probably in early April, two partisan divisions were formed, one of which had three and the other five regiments. But the main combat unit in most cases was the regiment.

As already noted, it was mainly Red Army soldiers who found themselves surrounded who were recruited into partisan detachments. When the influx of Red Army soldiers dried up, they began to resort to conscription of the local population, placing special emphasis on re-examination of those who had been released from military service for health. Due to the fact that the local population of this area consisted almost entirely of representatives of Russian nationality, it can be assumed that local conscripts were mainly Russian. The materials available on this issue indicate that this also applied to the majority of conscripted Red Army soldiers. According to the age division, there is also a predominance of Red Army soldiers; the bulk were people aged from eighteen to thirty years. Most of the command cadres were representatives of the primary level of the party and state apparatuses. The political affiliation of the partisans is more difficult to determine. The extremely scant information indicates that the percentage of communists was slightly higher than in the Red Army after the 1941 mobilization. Training did not pose much of a problem, since most partisans had previously undergone something like basic military training. A ten-day course was considered sufficient to familiarize partisans with the basics of military affairs.

The management of partisan detachments was threefold. At all levels, starting with the department, there were career officers. There were political workers at the company level. At the regimental level, and in some cases at the battalion level, there was a Special Department of the NKVD. This triple control sometimes created confusion, since many of the occupants of military command posts were former party workers and NKVD officers, and political commissars were often responsible for conducting combat operations. In addition, in a number of cases, the positions of commander and commissar or commissar and representative of the NKVD were combined by one person. Military and political officials had enormous power over their subordinates, and there is evidence that in a number of cases they committed serious abuses of this power.

The triple system of internal control repeated the control mechanism that controlled the partisan movement from the outside. The chain of command above the regimental level is quite obvious. Regimental commanders received orders from General P. Belov, commander of the 2nd Guards Cavalry Corps, which broke into the area in January 1942. Orders came to regiments directly or through divisional headquarters, which were apparently created to facilitate the control of lower units. Belov himself, having arrived in this area, began to submit to the command of the Western Front, formed from the army group of Marshal Zhukov in the center of the front. The external control functions of the NKVD were performed by special departments at each level above the partisan regiment. The order of subordination of the commissars was similar, but it was complicated by the intervention of territorial party authorities. The regional party committee also had some power (it is highly likely that one of the partisan regiments was formed by the Smolensk regional party committee). Although the available information is extremely scanty, it can be argued that the party dealt with issues of discipline and strictly ensured that the activity of the partisans was maintained at the proper level; but the leadership of military operations was carried out only by military command structures.

Strict discipline was observed in the detachments. Of the documents at our disposal, most of them touch on the factors that influenced the morale of the partisans. They can be divided into two main categories: differences in the moral state of individual groups of participants in the partisan movement and the influence of special situations and events on the moral state of partisans. Important differences in morale can be noted among local residents, former Red Army soldiers and command cadres who were called up to join the partisans. Local residents for the most part had no desire to join the partisan movement, served without any enthusiasm and were prone to desertion when the opportunity arose. Former Red Army soldiers were less likely to evade conscription; it seems that many of them joined the partisans out of a sense of duty and without much pressure. Those who escaped from German captivity, were least eager to desert and often tried to instill a similar attitude in other members of their squad. At the same time, a large number of former Red Army soldiers were not enthusiastic about their service in the partisans and remained in the detachments for fear of punishment by the commanders or for fear of mistreatment in captivity by the Germans. The morale of the command cadres was the highest. They largely identified themselves with the Soviet regime, and whatever their personal preferences, they understood that the Germans would in any case identify them and destroy them if given the opportunity.

Although it is not stated directly, it can be assumed that the early successes of the partisans in this area and their subsequent increased strength were important factors in increasing the morale of the partisans in the first half of 1942. But there were also a number of circumstances that negatively affected him; This primarily includes constant difficulties with supplies, isolated cases of abuse of power by commissars and a high level of losses.

The operations of the partisans in this area were determined by the specific situation created when they, together with units of the regular army, took control of large areas of the territory. To protect such an area from enemy attacks, conventional small arms were clearly not enough. Additional weapons - artillery and tanks - were acquired extremely important. The partisan units managed to collect a large number of guns, in particular 45 mm anti-tank guns and 76 mm guns. Tanks abandoned in the area during the 1941 fighting were repaired and used, aided by Soviet air deliveries of spare parts and fuel. The use of tanks to support partisan counterattacks was noted with some surprise in German reports.

The partisans paid great attention to reconnaissance. The work of collecting intelligence information was widely organized, carried out energetically and brought noticeable success. The partisans in this area, apparently, were not involved in obtaining information of a political nature for the Soviet leadership. This is most likely explained by the fact that in the vast area that came under the control of the partisans, the system of Soviet administration, including the NKVD, was completely restored, as will be discussed below.

The partisans shot captured German soldiers in some cases, but many were interrogated and sent to the prison in Dorogobuzh. Some of the prisoners who ended up there were used as auxiliary workers; others remained in prison, and their fate is unknown; at least one of the German radio operators was airlifted out.

The military actions of the partisans were primarily limited to the defense of the area they controlled. For this purpose, great efforts were made to build field fortifications. Rare counterattacks and skirmishes undertaken by the partisans by German troops in many ways resembled the actions of regular troops.

Soviet power was restored in the territory controlled by the partisans. Collective farms, some of which were dissolved by the peasants themselves, were organized again under the leadership of new chairmen. Officials were appointed and the district administration was restored. Those who collaborated with the Germans were severely punished: some were executed, others were sent to prison, but some collaborators were called up to serve in partisan detachments. Much indicates that, on the one hand, the punishment for cooperation with the enemy was determined taking into account careful attention to evidence of such cooperation, on the other hand, the punishments of individual collaborators varied in the degree of cruelty and were often unpredictable, which, apparently, was done intentionally.

The attitude of the population towards the Germans and the partisans is difficult to assess unambiguously. The defeats of the Germans in the winter of 1941/42 undoubtedly played a role important role. By that time, the population, as at least evidenced by its behavior, was inclined to side with the Germans, although this did not at all prevent residents from helping individual escaped prisoners and Red Army soldiers separated from their units. When the population realized the scale of the German defeats, attitudes towards the Germans changed noticeably, which to some extent explains the motivation for the previously friendly reception the Germans received. The attitude of the population became more wary. As peasants, civilians still frowned upon the Soviet regime that had imposed the collective farm system on them, but they now had to consider the possibility of its return, a possibility that became a reality for several months in the first half of 1942. In areas controlled by the partisans, the population sought to support them. Overall, it seems that thanks to its previous negative experience the population adapted to the government that existed at one time or another.

The very presence of partisans in the area constituted a powerful propaganda factor used by them in psychological warfare. Available materials indicate the confidence of the partisans that the presence of their significant numbers and the restoration of the Soviet system on the territory they controlled was in itself a clear proof of the power and invincibility of the Soviet regime and a sufficient incentive for the population to necessary assistance partisan forces.

The Germans, for their part, made significant efforts to increase desertion from the partisan units, linking their propaganda operations with the various moods existing within the partisan units. In the spring of 1942, they began to make a distinction between deserting partisans and other prisoners and, in contrast to their previous practice of shooting both, they promised deserters normal treatment. Having realized that the most vulnerable point of partisan detachments are conscripts from the local population who find themselves in the partisan movement against their own will, all kinds of means - leaflets, posters, appeals, letters from deserters - began to be used to convince these people that forced conscription into the ranks of the partisans will not be held against them. Realizing that the methods used in the past for treating prisoners greatly complicated the approach to former Red Army soldiers, German propaganda especially emphasized that deserters could expect normal treatment, work and land. By that time, the Germans also realized that by destroying all political workers who were captured, they were doing a huge service to the Soviet High Command. Such a policy significantly increased the morale of the partisans, as well as the regular troops, since the people who played a very important role in maintaining high morale of the partisans knew what fate awaited them if they fell into the hands of the Germans. Trying to solve this problem, Hitler even agreed to cancel the order to execute political workers as an experiment; The Germans first began to pursue such a policy during offensive operation to clear the Yelnya and Dorogobuzh area from partisans. For the first time, the Germans' appeals were addressed to political workers, whose lives they promised to save. There is evidence that, despite all the efforts made within the partisan units to counter German propaganda, a significant number of partisans deserted. Among the deserters were representatives of all groups that were part of the partisan movement, but the absolute majority were conscripts from the local population.

One of the most important problems that all partisan detachments faced was supply. In this area, in the highly developed organizational system of the partisan movement, there was a special structure that dealt with the problem of supply. The main source of food and clothing was the area of ​​partisan operations itself. Replenishment of weapons and ammunition mainly occurred through their collection at the battlefields of 1941. The local administration, restored under the partisans, played an important role in ensuring food supplies to the local population.

Medical care was quite good. In the western part of the area, where most information is available, there were at least five field hospitals. They had a small permanent staff medical personnel, each hospital could accommodate from five to twenty-five partisans. In addition, partisan detachments, starting from the company level, had medical battalions. Complete absence complaints about medical care most likely indicate that it was up to standard.

Air support from Soviet aviation for the partisans in the area was particularly impressive. The rapid mobilization and significant reinforcement of the partisan movement in the first months of 1942 would have been impossible without the help of officers and commissars delivered by air. The fact that many guerrilla groups were organized by airlifted men or included airlifted officers to serve as headquarters was extremely important for the control of the guerrilla movement. The “courier” message that existed between the partisans and the Soviet side also facilitated communication and control.

In addition to transporting personnel replenishment by plane, material resources were delivered to the partisans in large quantities by air. The delivery of ammunition, weapons, mines and other military materials, of course, was important factor in the rapid armament of the large number of partisans mobilized at the beginning of 1942. To use abandoned tanks being repaired by partisans, spare parts and fuel delivered by Soviet aircraft were extremely important. Clothing and shoes, as well as small quantities of food, were regularly delivered by air. Food supplies by air were mainly limited to products such as sugar and, in all likelihood, sausage. The repeated references to airlifts of tobacco perhaps indicate the recognition by the Soviet High Command of the importance of such deliveries in maintaining partisan morale.

Other important moral incentives were the supply of medical supplies by air and the evacuation of the wounded by air. The available material on the role of air support in other aspects - for example, providing air combat support to partisans - cannot be generalized. A number of interesting details were discovered regarding the technical side of air support, which can be used to generalize the support of the guerrilla movement.

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From the book Why Hitler Lost the War? German view author Petrovsky (ed.) I.

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GUERILLA WAR IN POLAND During its centuries-old history, Poland so often had to defend itself against foreign invaders and foreign domination that the Pole over time became almost a born partisan. The struggle of Polish partisans in the past was reversed

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GUERILLA WAR IN ITALY Even before Italy left the alliance with Germany, some serious measures were taken to organize partisan warfare in circles close to Marshal Badoglio. Soon after Italy seceded from the Axis on September 8, 1943 and

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Guerrilla Warfare The question of partisan actions is of great interest to our Party and the working masses. We have already repeatedly touched upon this issue in passing and now intend to proceed to the more comprehensive presentation of our

, radio broadcasts) or printed (leaflets, newspapers, network) form in order to win over the local population and (less often) the enemy himself to his side);

  • Destruction of enemy personnel;
  • Terror against the enemy is the implementation of actions aimed at intimidation in any form (murder, throwing any objects at the location of enemy units with the inscription “It could have been a bomb,” and so on).

    • It is desirable (but not necessary) that the partisans in their struggle receive assistance from some state, organization, and so on. The nature of assistance can be different - financial, assistance with equipment (primarily weapons), informational assistance (instructions, guides and instructors, propaganda and ideas).

    Theory of guerrilla warfare

    One of the largest researchers on the topic, Professor of the Wilhelm University of Münster Werner Hahlweg, using the example of a series of partisan wars from the 18th century to the present, emphasizes that partisan, or small war, has always acted as an auxiliary big war; the contingents that carried it out were always supported by external forces.

    Story

    By the beginning of the 20th century, the concept guerrilla warfare has acquired its modern meaning - combat operations of formations (often irregular) hiding among the civilian population in territory occupied by the enemy.

    In the second half of the 20th century, partisan movements operated mainly in the countries of Asia, Africa, and Latin America. In many of these countries (such as Tibet after its annexation by China), guerrilla warfare was fought for decades.

    In the second half of the 20th century, in the countries of the “Third World” the guerrillas won only where the tasks of the national liberation movement and social revolution were intertwined, that is, the guerrilla wars were people’s wars; the revolution itself cannot be won through guerrilla-terrorist tactics.

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    Notes

    Literature

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    Excerpt characterizing Guerrilla warfare

    - No, why regret it? Having been here, it was impossible not to pay respects. Well, if he doesn’t want to, that’s his business,” said Marya Dmitrievna, looking for something in her reticule. - Yes, and the dowry is ready, what else do you have to wait for? and what’s not ready, I’ll send it to you. Although I feel sorry for you, it’s better to go with God. “Having found what she was looking for in the reticule, she handed it to Natasha. It was a letter from Princess Marya. - He writes to you. How she suffers, poor thing! She is afraid that you will think that she does not love you.
    “Yes, she doesn’t love me,” said Natasha.
    “Nonsense, don’t talk,” Marya Dmitrievna shouted.
    - I won’t trust anyone; “I know that he doesn’t love me,” Natasha said boldly, taking the letter, and her face expressed dry and angry determination, which made Marya Dmitrievna look at her more closely and frown.
    “Don’t answer like that, mother,” she said. – What I say is true. Write an answer.
    Natasha did not answer and went to her room to read Princess Marya’s letter.
    Princess Marya wrote that she was in despair over the misunderstanding that had occurred between them. Whatever her father’s feelings, Princess Marya wrote, she asked Natasha to believe that she could not help but love her as the one chosen by her brother, for whose happiness she was ready to sacrifice everything.
    “However,” she wrote, “don’t think that my father was ill-disposed towards you. He is a sick and old man who needs to be excused; but he is kind, generous and will love the one who will make his son happy.” Princess Marya further asked that Natasha set a time when she could see her again.
    After reading the letter, Natasha sat down at the desk to write a response: “Chere princesse,” [Dear princess], she wrote quickly, mechanically and stopped. “What could she write next after everything that happened yesterday? Yes, yes, all this happened, and now everything is different,” she thought, sitting over the letter she had begun. “Should I refuse him? Is it really necessary? This is terrible!”... And in order not to think these terrible thoughts, she went to Sonya and together with her began to sort out the patterns.
    After dinner, Natasha went to her room and again took Princess Marya’s letter. - “Is it really all over? she thought. Did all this really happen so quickly and destroy everything that was before”! She recalled with all her former strength her love for Prince Andrei and at the same time felt that she loved Kuragin. She vividly imagined herself as the wife of Prince Andrei, imagined the picture of happiness with him repeated so many times in her imagination, and at the same time, flushed with excitement, imagined all the details of her yesterday's meeting with Anatole.
    “Why couldn’t it be together? sometimes, in complete eclipse, she thought. Then only I would be completely happy, but now I have to choose and without either of both I cannot be happy. One thing, she thought, to say what was meant to Prince Andrei or to hide it is equally impossible. And nothing is spoiled with this. But is it really possible to part forever with this happiness of Prince Andrei’s love, which I lived with for so long?”
    “Young lady,” the girl said in a whisper with a mysterious look, entering the room. - One person told me to tell it. The girl handed over the letter. “Only for Christ’s sake,” the girl was still saying when Natasha, without thinking, mechanical movement she broke the seal and read Anatole’s love letter, from which she, without understanding a word, understood only one thing - that this letter was from him, from the man she loves. “Yes, she loves, otherwise how could what happened happen? Could there be a love letter from him in her hand?”
    With shaking hands, Natasha held this passionate, love letter, composed for Anatoly by Dolokhov, and, reading it, found in it echoes of everything that it seemed to her that she herself felt.
    “Since last night, my fate has been decided: to be loved by you or to die. I have no other choice,” the letter began. Then he wrote that he knew that her relatives would not give her to him, Anatoly, that there were secret reasons for this that he alone could reveal to her, but that if she loved him, then she should say this word yes, and no human forces will not interfere with their bliss. Love will conquer everything. He will kidnap and take her to the ends of the world.
    “Yes, yes, I love him!” thought Natasha, re-reading the letter for the twentieth time and looking for some special deep meaning in every word.
    That evening Marya Dmitrievna went to the Arkharovs and invited the young ladies to go with her. Natasha stayed at home under the pretext of a headache.

    Returning late in the evening, Sonya entered Natasha's room and, to her surprise, found her not undressed, sleeping on the sofa. On the table next to her lay an open letter from Anatole. Sonya took the letter and began to read it.
    She read and looked at the sleeping Natasha, looking on her face for an explanation of what she was reading, but did not find it. The face was quiet, meek and happy. Clutching her chest so as not to suffocate, Sonya, pale and trembling with fear and excitement, sat down on a chair and burst into tears.
    “How did I not see anything? How could it have gone this far? Has she really stopped loving Prince Andrei? And how could she let Kuragin do this? He is a deceiver and a villain, that much is clear. What will happen to Nicolas, sweet, noble Nicolas, when he finds out about this? So this is what her excited, determined and unnatural face meant the third day, both yesterday and today, thought Sonya; but it cannot be that she loves him! Probably, not knowing from whom, she opened this letter. She's probably offended. She can't do this!
    Sonya wiped away her tears and walked up to Natasha, again peering into her face.
    - Natasha! – she said barely audible.
    Natasha woke up and saw Sonya.
    - Oh, she’s back?
    And with the determination and tenderness that happens in moments of awakening, she hugged her friend, but noticing the embarrassment on Sonya’s face, Natasha’s face expressed embarrassment and suspicion.
    - Sonya, have you read the letter? - she said.
    “Yes,” Sonya said quietly.
    Natasha smiled enthusiastically.
    - No, Sonya, I can’t do it anymore! - she said. “I can’t hide it from you anymore.” You know, we love each other!... Sonya, my dear, he writes... Sonya...
    Sonya, as if not believing her ears, looked at Natasha with all her eyes.
    - And Bolkonsky? - she said.
    - Oh, Sonya, oh, if only you could know how happy I am! – Natasha said. -You don’t know what love is...
    – But, Natasha, is it really all over?
    Natasha big, with open eyes looked at Sonya, as if not understanding her question.
    - Well, are you refusing Prince Andrei? - said Sonya.
    “Oh, you don’t understand anything, don’t talk nonsense, just listen,” Natasha said with instant annoyance.
    “No, I can’t believe it,” Sonya repeated. - I don't understand. How did you love one person for a whole year and suddenly... After all, you only saw him three times. Natasha, I don’t believe you, you’re being naughty. In three days, forget everything and so...
    “Three days,” Natasha said. “It seems to me that I have loved him for a hundred years.” It seems to me that I have never loved anyone before him. You can't understand this. Sonya, wait, sit here. – Natasha hugged and kissed her.
    “They told me that this happens and you heard correctly, but now I have only experienced this love.” It's not what it used to be. As soon as I saw him, I felt that he was my master, and I was his slave, and that I could not help but love him. Yes, slave! Whatever he tells me, I will do. You don't understand this. What should I do? What should I do, Sonya? - Natasha said with a happy and frightened face.
    “But think about what you’re doing,” said Sonya, “I can’t leave it like that.” These secret letters... How could you let him do this? - she said with horror and disgust, which she could hardly hide.
    “I told you,” Natasha answered, “that I have no will, how can you not understand this: I love him!”
    “Then I won’t let this happen, I’ll tell you,” Sonya screamed with tears breaking through.
    “What are you doing, for God’s sake... If you tell me, you are my enemy,” Natasha spoke. - You want my misfortune, you want us to be separated...
    Seeing this fear of Natasha, Sonya cried tears of shame and pity for her friend.
    - But what happened between you? – she asked. -What did he tell you? Why doesn't he go to the house?
    Natasha did not answer her question.
    “For God’s sake, Sonya, don’t tell anyone, don’t torture me,” Natasha begged. – You remember that you cannot interfere in such matters. I opened it for you...
    – But why these secrets! Why doesn't he go to the house? – Sonya asked. - Why doesn’t he directly seek your hand? After all, Prince Andrei gave you complete freedom, if that’s the case; but I don't believe it. Natasha, have you thought about what secret reasons there could be?
    Natasha looked at Sonya with surprised eyes. Apparently, this was the first time she had asked this question and she didn’t know how to answer it.
    – I don’t know what the reasons are. But there are reasons!
    Sonya sighed and shook her head in disbelief.
    “If there were reasons...” she began. But Natasha, guessing her doubt, interrupted her in fear.
    - Sonya, you can’t doubt him, you can’t, you can’t, do you understand? – she shouted.
    – Does he love you?
    - Does he love you? – Natasha repeated with a smile of regret about her friend’s lack of understanding. – You read the letter, did you see it?
    - But what if he is an ignoble person?
    – Is he!... an ignoble person? If only you knew! - Natasha said.
    “If he is a noble man, then he must either declare his intention or stop seeing you; and if you don’t want to do this, then I will do it, I will write to him, I will tell dad,” Sonya said decisively.
    - Yes, I can’t live without him! – Natasha screamed.
    - Natasha, I don’t understand you. And what are you saying! Remember your father, Nicolas.
    “I don’t need anyone, I don’t love anyone but him.” How dare you say that he is ignoble? Don't you know that I love him? – Natasha shouted. “Sonya, go away, I don’t want to quarrel with you, go away, for God’s sake go away: you see how I’m suffering,” Natasha shouted angrily in a restrained, irritated and desperate voice. Sonya burst into tears and ran out of the room.
    Natasha went to the table and, without thinking for a minute, wrote that answer to Princess Marya, which she could not write the whole morning. In this letter, she briefly wrote to Princess Marya that all their misunderstandings were over, that, taking advantage of the generosity of Prince Andrei, who, when leaving, gave her freedom, she asks her to forget everything and forgive her if she is guilty before her, but that she cannot be his wife . It all seemed so easy, simple and clear to her at that moment.

    On Friday the Rostovs were supposed to go to the village, and on Wednesday the count went with the buyer to his village near Moscow.
    On the day of the count's departure, Sonya and Natasha were invited to a big dinner with the Karagins, and Marya Dmitrievna took them. At this dinner, Natasha again met with Anatole, and Sonya noticed that Natasha was saying something to him, wanting not to be heard, and throughout the dinner she was even more excited than before. When they returned home, Natasha was the first to begin with Sonya the explanation that her friend was waiting for.

    Irish Republican Army Volunteer Manual. Textbook

    What is guerrilla warfare?

    What is guerrilla warfare?

    A people under the yoke of foreign forces can achieve their freedom only through guerrilla warfare. The enemy's overwhelming advantage in state power and state institutions, the presence of repressive bodies and a large regular army, the availability of material resources and the monopoly of propaganda, which can only be overcome by special guerrilla underground tactics and strategy.

    Guerrilla warfare can be defined as: resistance to enemy forces, that is, struggle. In this struggle, the partisans or underground act as the warhead of the resistance.

    Until World War II, military textbooks ignored guerrilla warfare completely. But during this war it became obvious that guerrilla warfare could not be ignored. England established a separate army to fight the partisan movement. It would seem strange in this century atomic bombs reckon with the partisans.

    Chief of Staff of the British armed forces Field Marshal William Slim says: “A fragmented type of warfare, whether the fragmentation is caused either by the profile of the terrain or the enemy’s weapons, requires two things: trained and determined junior commanders, and detachments of independent, physically trained and well-disciplined fighters.

    The success of future ground operations depends on the presence of just such commanders and fighters who are ready to operate in small independent units. They must be ready to fight without established communications, and be guided only by circumstances, and rely only on themselves and the resources of the population of a given territory.

    Invisible, unheard and unsuspected, they will creep up on the enemy, and when he discovers that they are very close, he will no longer be able to launch a nuclear strike without destroying himself.”

    Hence the strategy and tactics of guerrilla warfare in the nuclear age - dissolution in the enemy environment.

    As the last Iraq war shows, the Iraqis did just that. It was pointless for the Iraqis to stand in an open field against the obviously superior US army and its overwhelming air power. Therefore, the Iraqis ahead of time created hidden bases of the guerrilla underground and dissolved in the underground movement, which has been delivering successful strikes against the enemy for three years now.

    Ordinary war.

    In a conventional war, the whole essence of military maneuvers is to achieve material, numerical and military superiority at the right time and in the right place. The guerrillas are unable to deliver one massive blow, so they deliver many small strikes. The partisans constantly deliver small blows, biting into the enemy and not giving him a break. They hit - they disappeared, they hit - they disappeared again, and so on until the enemy was completely exhausted.

    A regular army depends on many types of support: air, ground, communications, supplies, equipment, artillery, reserves, flanks, and so on. They have a lot of different weapons. Plans are being made General Staff and are betrayed down on command. The attacks are carried out under the cover of air, missile and artillery preparations. Armored vehicles make a breakthrough in enemy defenses. For the most part the soldiers don't even understand what's happening in this moment time. They rely on commanders. And as all military experience shows, it was completely in vain. Regular army soldiers are trained to act as cogs in a machine, and when that machine stops, they are all incapacitated and dead.

    Guerrilla warfare.

    The partisans are a completely different matter, the partisan receives strength from the population, from the people - otherwise, he fights himself, and therefore he must be independent and self-sufficient. If necessary, the partisan must fight alone, with the weapons at his disposal, and this, naturally, is not the most best weapon. The partisan must find everything he needs himself; he is his own supplier. His stamina and endurance must be enormous, and therefore he must be physically tough, and have an astute mind. And above all, he must know what and for what he is fighting - for the liberation of his homeland from foreign pro-Israeli influence, leadership and abuse.

    The guerrilla must move quickly and hit hard. He must adapt, and must constantly change his methods. The partisans must be prepared so that they can scatter during the retreat and regroup later. The task of the partisans is never to hold the defense, or to hold a settlement or territory.

    What the guerrillas must do is:

    The guerrillas must wear down the enemy with constant threats and attacks. The guerrillas must attack all the time and from all directions. Guerrillas must plan their withdrawals and counter-attacks, and avoid encounters with the enemy not on their own initiative.

    Tactics must change constantly. Combat units must operate regardless of terrain conditions and lines of communication. This is what it means to be self-sufficient. The partisan never makes himself a target for the enemy. The partisan was brave in attack and skillful in retreat. Its main advantage is mobility.

    Action plans should be simple, understandable to all participants, and, if possible, rehearsed.

    The main effect of the partisans is surprise! To give the enemy a surprise, you must have excellent intelligence. The partisans must know everything about the enemy: his battle formation and dislocation, his strength, his weaknesses - even the plan of his counterinsurgency activity. Excellent intelligence and information activities build morale, and for guerrillas, morale is everything. This spirit - morality - gives the partisans their certainty, determination and victory.

    If a partisan enters into battle, it must be cruel, merciless and to the end. The road may be long, the sacrifices may be great, but the partisans have the spirit, determination and will to win, and therefore the partisans cannot fail to win. Every day, set and achieve, at least small, goals. Small successes will add up to big victories, strengthening the morale of the people - this is the goal of guerrilla warfare, which brings ultimate victory.

    Guerrilla warfare strategy.

    The strategy of guerrilla warfare is to create many centers of resistance in the country, and force the occupying forces to lock themselves in major cities. This is done by creating obstacles to the movement of occupation forces and damaging communications and communications. Gradually, the centers of partisan resistance are intertwined into one territory controlled by them.

    After this, the task is to lure the enemy out of his fortress and beat him. The point of the entire strategy is to inflict as much as possible through surprise and mobility. swipe to the weakest point and dissolve. You need to be sure that the enemy has no forces in this place. You need to hit a weak point, and not at heavily fortified objects. Later, when the enemy is forced to transfer forces in pursuit of the partisans, he will begin to expose important objects, and then it may be possible to strike at them.

    Guerrillas must do three things:

    1). Suck human and material resources from the enemy.

    2). To be the vanguard of the entire people in liberating their country from foreign, even disguised pro-Israeli influence.

    3). Destroy the entire leadership of the occupation power.

    The partisans are sucking human and material resources from the enemy by the mere fact of their existence and the constant threat to the enemy. The partisans must remember that their task is not to hold anything, but not to allow the enemy to hold it either.

    The partisans are the vanguard of their people, constantly inspiring them with the goals of their movement. The enemy takes it out on the population, further strengthening their hatred of the enemy. This makes the people inveterate and stubborn, and this is very important, because in the long term, it is the resources of the people that ensure victory over the foreign regime under any of its guise, open tyranny or a more sophisticated pro-democratic and pro-Western shell.

    The partisans actually destroyed the occupation administration when it introduced martial law, and thus signed that it could no longer lead conventional methods. In reality, by martial law, the enemy recognizes that he is alien to the conquered people, and that this people does not want him.

    When the enemy thus realizes his alien position, he makes every effort to destroy the partisan and underground movement. And the partisans’ first priority is to ensure the failure of his plans.

    The basic principles of any war can be reduced to these five:

    1). Saving power.

    2). Protection and awareness of the enemy's evil plans.

    3). Surprise, and, conversely, the surprise of one’s actions for the enemy.

    4). Aggressiveness and determination to knock the wind out of the enemy.

    5). Purposefulness in carrying out your plans.

    These general principles are also good for guerrilla warfare.

    From the book Guerrilla Warfare author Che Guevara de la Serna Ernesto

    2. Guerrilla strategy In military terminology, strategy means the study and determination of the intended tasks for waging war and military operations, taking into account the general military situation, and developing on this basis general forms and ways to solve

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    Chapter 1. Against Melnik and Bandera. Guerrilla war in Western Ukraine in 1944 - 1952. After the death of the leader in 1938 Ukrainian nationalists Colonel Yevgen Konovalets, a split occurred in the organization of Ukrainian nationalists (OUN) he headed. August 27, 1939

    From the book Password - Motherland author Samoilov Lev Samoilovich

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    From the book Without the Right to Choose author Polyakov Alexander Antonovich

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    From the book Terrorism from the Caucasus to Syria author Prokopenko Igor Stanislavovich

    Chapter 8. Xinjiang: in support the required course. Guerrilla warfare in North-West China in 1945 - 1949. From the early 1930s to the end of the 1940s, the USSR state security agencies carried out special operations in the north-west of China - in the province of Xinjiang, also called Eastern

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    Guerrilla warfare- a war waged by armed groups hiding among the local population, avoiding open and major clashes with the enemy.
    Elements of guerrilla warfare
    The following aspects can be distinguished in the tactics of guerrilla actions: Destruction of the enemy’s infrastructure in any form (rail war, destruction of communication lines, high voltage lines, poisoning and destruction of water pipes, wells, etc.)
    Information war(distribution of correct and incorrect information in oral (rumours, radio broadcasts) or printed (leaflets, newspapers, networks) form in order to win over the local population and (less often) the enemy himself to one’s side).
    Destruction of enemy personnel.
    Terror against the enemy is the implementation of actions aimed at intimidation in any form (murder, throwing objects at enemy units with the inscription “It could have been a bomb,” etc.).

    It is desirable (but not necessary) that the partisans in their struggle receive assistance from any state, organization, etc. The nature of assistance can be different - financial, assistance with equipment (weapons primarily), informational assistance (instructions, manuals and instructors) ).
    Theory of guerrilla warfare
    Mao Zedong called guerrilla warfare the most effective means resistance to the authorities (dictatorial, colonial or occupation) and put forward the basic idea of ​​guerrilla warfare: “The enemy advances - we retreat, the enemy stops - we disturb, the enemy retreats - we pursue.” Guerrilla warfare implies the presence of a partisan base and a partisan area. Latin American guerrillas supplemented the theory of guerrilla warfare with tactics of isolating the region as a result of transport sabotage and defeating the enemy, deprived of the opportunity to receive outside help.
    Story
    The concept itself arose in the 18th century, and originally meant, according to ESBE, “ independent actions light detachments separate from the army, sent primarily to the enemy’s rear and flanks.” Such detachments, mainly cavalry, which were tasked with disrupting communications, bore the French name partie, hence the word “partisan”, and from it, in turn, “guerrilla warfare”. It is curious that in the 19th century in Russian they said “party” and not “partisan detachment” - the latter looked like a tautology.

    However, already during Napoleonic Wars“partisans” also began to be called irregular groups of civilians waging guerrilla warfare. At the same time, the Spanish designation for guerrilla warfare was born - “guerrilla” (Spanish guerrilla, “small war”).

    Guerrilla warfare has a long history. The first in history to practice it were the Scythians in the war against the Persians in the 6th century. BC e. In modern times, guerrilla warfare showed its effectiveness in the fight against French troops in Spain 1808-1814 and in Russia (Patriotic War of 1812). Guerrilla warfare methods were widely used by all sides during the Russian Civil War; Of the partisan commanders of that era, Nestor Makhno became the most famous. Guerrilla methods were also widely practiced during the Second World War, especially in the occupied territories of the USSR, where the partisan movement was organized and supplied from Moscow, as well as in Poland, Yugoslavia, Greece, France, and at the last stage of the war - in Italy. In the post-war years, a wide partisan movement developed in the western regions of the USSR (see Ukrainian Insurgent Army, Forest Brothers). In the second half of the 20th century, guerrilla warfare methods were actively used by radical movements in Third World countries, including: Angola
    Vietnam
    Guatemala
    Iraq
    Colombia - Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia - Army of the People (FARC-EP)
    Cuba
    Peru
    Salvador
    Türkiye - Kurdistan Workers' Party
    Philippines

    In Russia, partisan methods were used by Chechen separatists in the First and Second Chechen wars. In a broad sense, all kinds of insurrectionary movements and wars of irregular groups (for example, tribal) with regular armies were of a partisan nature.
    Legal aspect
    Participants in the partisan movement initially do not meet the requirements for combatants by the Hague Convention “On the Laws and Customs of War on Land” of 1907, since when participating in hostilities they disguise themselves as civilians (they have neither uniform nor insignia, they carry weapons hidden) and force the occupation authorities to apply harsh measures to the entire population. In accordance with the Hague Convention, partisans, when captured, do not enjoy the rights of prisoners of war, and are also put on trial.

    Guerrillas gained the status of legal combatants only with the adoption of the IV Hague Convention, which outlined 4 conditions under which a militia member would be considered a combatant and not a criminal, and would be subject to exactly the same privileges as regular army soldiers.

    Firstly, they have at their head a person responsible for his subordinates

    In order for a partisan to have the status of a combatant, he must belong to some kind of militarily organized detachment, headed by responsible person. Submission to the commander in a detachment is an important sign of the legitimacy of actions partisan detachment. It depends on the type of organization whether they should be treated as prisoners of war and enjoy the corresponding privileges. The responsibility of the commanders of partisan detachments may include responsibility before the law and jurisdiction of military courts. In a word, if a partisan wants to enjoy the privileges of a combatant, he must act as an integral part of a detachment that acts on behalf of the state, and not as an organ of the interests of the individuals composing it.

    The meaning of this paragraph lies in the moral and legal law persons to conduct combat operations against enemy combatants. The subordination of a militia to a command associated with the government transfers the combatant from the scope of criminal law (for the use of weapons, murder, etc.) to the sphere of humanitarian law, that is, shifts this responsibility to the state of which he is a representative. And also the presence of a commander guarantees that the detachment subordinate to him will act within the framework of the laws and customs of war.

    Secondly, they have a specific distinctive sign that is clearly visible from a distance

    “Humanitarian law obliges the state to conduct military operations only against combatants, and this requires that the guerrillas be distinguished from the civilian population. By donning a uniform or insignia, the guerrilla renounces the privileges of the civilian population and becomes a combatant. Firstly, this gives him the right to take part in hostilities, and secondly, it allows the combatants to comply with the norms of humanitarian law, distinguishing partisans from the civilian population.”

    It should also be noted that partisans cannot be placed in a worse position than a soldier of the regular army, therefore, there can be no question of a broad interpretation of the “clearly visible” distinctive sign; and also, a certain distinctive sign should not interfere with the camouflage of partisans, since in modern conditions, careful camouflage of troops is one of the most important principles of warfare.

    “The requirement for a distinctive sign and the open carrying of weapons in a number of cases would put the partisans in clearly worse conditions in relation to regular troops, since the very nature of partisan actions requires secrecy and the most careful camouflage. And if fulfilling these requirements in individual guerrilla operations turned out to be impossible, then this would be explained by the tactics of partisan operations, and not at all by the tactics of guerrilla warfare. Consequently, such failure would not deprive the partisan movement of its legal character, or the partisans themselves - the international legal status recognized by the conventions."

    Third, openly carry weapons

    Many people think that the badge is enough to consider him a combatant. And a person who openly carries a weapon, but does not have distinctive signs, does not necessarily belong to the partisan movement. It should also be borne in mind that partisans use the same methods of combat as combat units, and therefore can resort to cunning and camouflage. Subsequently, this clause was clarified in Additional Protocol I to the Geneva Conventions of 1978.

    Fourth, observe the norms and customs of war

    This point is extremely important. This point is not a sign, but an important condition, by fulfilling which the partisan receives the right to be called a combatant. This condition is aimed at the humanization of military operations and in their actions the partisan is obliged to comply with the laws and customs of war. This condition is indisputable and the most important of all listed. Aimed at humanizing armed conflicts, the requirement that partisans comply with the laws and customs of war is aimed at suppressing attempts to turn the war into an orgy. At the same time, this requirement is in no way connected with the specifics of partisan warfare. It is also mandatory for other combatants, including members of the regular armed forces. It follows from this that violations of the laws and customs of war committed by individual partisans entail corresponding legal consequences only in relation to the violator. But these violations do not in any way affect legal status partisan detachment as a whole.

    It should be mentioned that for non-compliance with the laws, it is not the entire detachment that is responsible, but the person who broke the law.

    Representatives of states whose peoples in the recent past participated in such (guerrilla) conflicts argued that in existing conditions the only chance for success of the resistance movement, compensating to some extent for the technical superiority of the enemy, was in non-compliance with some strict rules (primarily the second and third ) enshrined in the Hague Regulations of 1907 and the Third Geneva Convention of 1949.

    A clearer definition of the status of guerrillas was given in the First Additional Protocol to the Geneva Conventions of 1978.

    The second and third of the traditional conditions were to be observed by persons wishing to be treated as combatants and, therefore, as prisoners of war in the event of capture. The conditions have become much more flexible. Instead of requiring a specific distinctive sign, it was stated “that combatants are required to distinguish themselves from the civilian population while they are engaged in an attack or military operation, which is a preparation for an attack” (First Additional Protocol to the Geneva Conventions of 1978, Art. 44(3)).

    Regarding the duty to bear arms, it was recognized that “there are situations where, due to the nature of hostilities, an armed combatant cannot distinguish himself from the civilian population, he retains his status as a combatant, provided that in such situations he openly carries his weapon: in the time of each military clash; And
    at a time when he is in full view of the enemy during deployment into battle formations preceding the start of an attack in which he must take part" (First Additional Protocol to the Geneva Conventions of 1978, paragraph 3, article 44)

    To avoid these difficulties, another important article was adopted providing that, in case of doubt, the status of a prisoner of war, and therefore a combatant, is presumed. (First Additional Protocol to the Geneva Conventions of 1978, Article 45 (1,2)) The provisions of the Geneva Conventions on the treatment of prisoners of war, as well as the sick and wounded, fully apply to partisans.

    Along with the desire of the world community to protect partisans and participants in national liberation movements, it is necessary to mention some problems that may arise in connection with granting partisans the status of combatants.

    First, it must be remembered that combatant status is not only a privilege. The status of a combatant implies that the person who possesses it is a direct object of hostilities, that is, violence can be applied to him during hostilities, up to and including physical destruction. And since the fact remains indisputable that partisans are visually more similar to the civilian population than to soldiers of the regular army, then confusion may arise, the victim of which may be the least protected persons in an armed conflict - the civilian population.

    Secondly, according to many lawyers, there is also a problem that the partisans do not comply with international law. R. Bindschendler, discussing this topic, writes: “if one of the most industrially developed countries with the most modern weapons is drawn into a war with an underdeveloped state, then the latter, not having first-class weapons, resorts to guerrilla warfare. In order to compensate for material weakness during the war, the partisans refuse legal norms, limiting the warring parties. The other side, not remaining indifferent to these steps, takes the same actions, which leads to an escalation of violations of humanitarian law.”

    “It must be emphasized that the legitimacy of partisan movements is closely related to the lawful, fair nature of the war of the state on whose side the partisans are acting. A completely different international legal assessment should be given to the actions of all kinds of irregular detachments that the aggressor may resort to, calling them “partisans”... in reality this is not a partisan movement, but one of the types of intervention, a gross violation of the generally accepted norms of modern international law.”
    Literature
    Alexander Tarasov. Chairman Mao's theory of guerrilla warfare. // Bumbarash-2017, 1998, No. 4.
    Artsibasov I. N., Egorov S. A. Armed conflict: law, politics, diplomacy. Moscow 1992 “International Relations” pp. 113,114,110
    Kozhevnikov. International law. Moscow 1981 “International Relations” p.417
    Nakhlik Stnaislav E. Brief essay on humanitarian law. International Committee of the Red Cross 1993 pp. 23, 25
    Kolesnik S. “Protection of human rights in armed conflicts” 2005
    First Additional Protocol to the Geneva Conventions of 1978
    IV Hague Convention

    see also
    Urban guerrilla
    Guerrilla movements

    Protracted military conflict. Detachments in which people were united by the idea of ​​the liberation struggle fought on a par with the regular army, and in the case of a well-organized leadership, their actions were highly effective and largely decided the outcome of the battles.

    Partisans of 1812

    When Napoleon attacked Russia, the idea of ​​strategic guerrilla warfare arose. Then, for the first time in world history, Russian troops used a universal method of conducting military operations on enemy territory. This method was based on the organization and coordination of the rebels' actions by the regular army itself. For this purpose, trained professionals - “army partisans” - were thrown behind the front line. At this time, the detachments of Figner and Ilovaisky, as well as the detachment of Denis Davydov, who was lieutenant colonel Akhtyrsky, became famous for their military exploits

    This detachment was separated from the main forces longer than others (for six weeks). The tactics of Davydov’s partisan detachment consisted in the fact that they avoided open attacks, attacked by surprise, changed directions of attacks, and probed for the enemy’s weak points. The local population helped: the peasants were guides, spies, and participated in the extermination of the French.

    In the Patriotic War, the partisan movement was of particular importance. The basis for the formation of detachments and units was the local population, who were familiar with the area. In addition, it was hostile to the occupiers.

    The main goal of the movement

    The main task of guerrilla warfare was to isolate enemy troops from its communications. The main blow of the people's avengers was aimed at the supply lines of the enemy army. Their detachments disrupted communications, prevented the approach of reinforcements and the supply of ammunition. When the French began to retreat, their actions were aimed at destroying ferries and bridges over numerous rivers. Thanks to the active actions of army partisans, Napoleon lost almost half of his artillery during his retreat.

    The experience of waging partisan warfare in 1812 was used in the Great Patriotic War (1941-1945). During this period, this movement was large-scale and well organized.

    Period of the Great Patriotic War

    The need to organize a partisan movement arose due to the fact that most of the territory of the Soviet state was captured by German troops, who sought to make slaves and liquidate the population of the occupied areas. The main idea of ​​partisan warfare in the Great Patriotic War is the disorganization of the activities of the Nazi troops, causing them human and material losses. For this purpose, fighter and sabotage groups were created, the network expanded underground organizations to direct all actions in the occupied territory.

    The partisan movement of the Great Patriotic War was two-sided. On the one hand, the detachments were created spontaneously, from people who remained in enemy-occupied territories, and sought to protect themselves from mass fascist terror. On the other hand, this process took place in an organized manner, under leadership from above. Sabotage groups were thrown behind enemy lines or pre-organized in the territory that they were supposed to leave in the near future. To provide such detachments with ammunition and food, they first made caches with supplies, and also worked out issues of their further replenishment. In addition, issues of secrecy were worked out, the locations of detachments based in the forest were determined after the front retreated further to the east, and the provision of money and valuables was organized.

    Movement leadership

    In order to lead the guerrilla war and sabotage struggle, workers from among the local residents who were well acquainted with these areas were sent to the territory captured by the enemy. Very often, among the organizers and leaders, including the underground, were the leaders of Soviet and party bodies who remained in the territory occupied by the enemy.

    Guerrilla warfare played a decisive role in the victory Soviet Union over Nazi Germany.